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- Bove, Vincenzo ; Böhmelt, Tobias ; Nussio, Enzo. Terrorism abroad and migration policies at home // Journal of European Public Policy (2021) nr. 2, lk. 190-207.
Do security concerns lead to more restrictive immigration policies? In this article, we contend that transnational influences can shape legislative output on immigration at home. Terrorist attacks in a neighboring country affect the salience of security concerns in the focal state, the policy solutions for addressing them, and the political will to implement these changes. In proximity of countries targeted by terrorism, politicians have specific incentives to manipulate immigration regulations following pressure from public opinion, for political opportunism or in anticipation of their neighbors’ policy choices. Using data on 33 OECD countries, we find that proximity to targeted countries leads to the implementation of a more restrictive migration policy regime. The public’s common perception of a linkage between migration and terrorism thus has important policy consequences. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Kang, Yoo-Duk. Refugee crisis in Europe: determinants of asylum seeking in European countries from 2008–2014 // Journal of European Integration (2021) nr. 1. lk. 33-48.
This article reviews determinants of migration attempts for asylum, using the push/pull factors framework, and examines how well this framework can explain asylum-seeking in European countries. Our analyses show that most pull/push variables offer sound explanations for asylum migration. Different political push variables and proximity variables have robust explanatory power. However, the business cycle measured by unemployment rate of origin and host countries does not explain refugee flow from one country to another. In this regard, asylum-related migrations differ from labour migrations, sensitive to job opportunities. These findings suggest that some countries are set to attract more asylum seekers due to their diverse features, and a higher solidarity among host countries is required to deal with this question at European level. It is also necessary for the EU’s asylum policy to be extended to the area of ‘push factors’, tackling the root causes of asylum-seeking. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Kiratli, Osman Sabri. Politicization of Aiding Others: The Impact of Migration on European Public Opinion of Development Aid // Journal of Common Market Studies (2021) nr 1, lk 53 - 71.
This article provides a longitudinal analysis on the driving forces behind Europeans' positions toward development aid and identifies changes in the dynamics following the migrant flows in 2015. Specifically, it assesses the extent to which policy‐makers' decisions to utilize development policy as a strategic tool to manage migration resonates at the public level. Using multilevel regression models on cross‐sectional survey data acquired from Eurobarometer surveys covering five waves between 2013 and 2018, supplemented by a series of macro‐level covariates both at the country and regional level, I show that voters in countries and regions with higher numbers of migrants are more supportive of foreign aid. The models also verify that support for foreign aid in polities that are the destination for migrants is substantially stronger in surveys conducted after 2015 than before and among voters who are interested in politics. (Wiley Online Library)
- Kriesi, Hanspeter ; Altiparmakis, Argyrios ; Bojar, Abel ; Oana, Ioana-Elena. Debordering and re-bordering in the refugee crisis: a case of ‘defensive integration’ // Journal of European Public Policy (2021) nr. 3, lk. 331-349.
We present the reaction of the EU and eight member states to the refugee crisis 2015/16 as a case of ‘defensive integration’. In the absence of a joint EU solution, the member states were left to their own devices and took a series of national measures that varied from one country to the other, depending on their policy heritage, and the combination of problem pressure and political pressure which they were facing. As a result, debordering responses prevailed at first. Only in a second stage a set of national and EU measures aiming at internal and external re-bordering were introduced. At this stage, destination states proved to be the most important drivers of a joint solution, with Germany taking the lead. The overall outcome is an example of ‘defensive integration’, aiming squarely at joint solutions to stop the refugee flow outside the EU but not to manage it inside the EU.(Taylor & Francis Journals Online)
- Lutz, Philipp ; Karstens, Felix. External borders and internal freedoms: how the refugee crisis shaped the bordering preferences of European citizens // Journal of European Public Policy (2021) nr. 3, lk. 370-388.
The idea that internal inclusion requires external exclusion features prominently in many theoretical accounts of modern statehood and citizenship. In a similar vein, it has been argued that internal freedom of movement in the European Union requires strict immigration control at its external borders. This article sheds light on the relationship between internal de-bordering and external re-bordering, making two main contributions. First, we theorise the idea of an integration-demarcation conditionality based on the European Union's symbolic legitimacy and functional needs. Second, we test the common belief that public support for free movement within Europe depends on a restrictive border regime for non-European immigration. For this purpose, we assess how the external shock of the 2015 refugee crisis shaped the bordering preferences of European citizens. We find that the crisis primarily increased citizens’ support for external re-bordering, and did not substantially undermine their support for internal free movement. Thus, the large-scale arrival of refugees has not led to a general backlash against open borders and immigration but has, rather, increased public support for the European model of combining internal freedoms with external controls. (Taylor & Francis Journals Online)
- Müller, Patrick & Slominski, Peter. Breaking the legal link but not the law? The externalization of EU migration control through orchestration in the Central Mediterranean // Journal of European Public Policy (2021) nr. 6, lk. 801-820.
Transcending the established problem-solving perspective, this article proposes a novel conceptualization of orchestration as a strategy to escape legal responsibility. To test our conceptual argument, we study the case of EU migration governance vis-à-vis Libya in the Central Mediterranean. We show how legal constraints stemming from the 2012 Hirsi judgement of the ECtHR drove the EU from direct extraterritorial border operation to indirect orchestration via Libyan authorities. The EU used the orchestration techniques ‘assistance’, ‘endorsement’, ‘convening’ and ‘coordination’ to establish Libyan authorities like the coast guard as central intermediaries in the field of border patrol and search and rescue. These orchestration strategies increasingly replaced EU operations on the ground, thus posing new challenges for human rights protection.(Taylor & Francis Online)
- Zaun, Natascha ; Ripoll Servent, Ariadna. One step forward, two steps back: the ambiguous role of Germany in EU Asylum policies // Journal of European Integration (2021) nr. 2, lk. 157-174.
Drawing on the Core State Power framework, this paper assesses Germany’s ambiguous role in EU asylum policies from signing of the Maastricht Treaty to the present. It demonstrates that Germany has neither taken on the role of a leader nor pursued any consistent course regarding the institutional setup or content of EU asylum policies. However, this does not mean that Germany does not have any preferences in this area. Overall, German governments have supported whatever policy would decrease the country’s share of asylum-seekers vis-à-vis other European countries, in order to achieve two core goals: first, to avoid the material costs resulting from high numbers of asylum-seekers, a preference that is common among state elites; and second, to avoid audience/electoral costs resulting from the comparatively restrictive preferences of the public, especially when these are mobilised by right-wing populist parties. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Castelli Gattinara, Pietro ; Zamponi, Lorenzo. Politicizing support and opposition to migration in France: the EU asylum policy crisis and direct social activism // Journal of European Integration (2020) nr 5, lk. 625-641.
This article focuses on the migration policy crisis in France to illustrate how social movements contribute to the epistemic construction of ‘crises’ of European Integration. To tackle politicization, we compare the framing and mobilization choices by grassroots actors in solidarity with asylum-seekers and groups aiming to defend national borders from them. Using original Protest Event data and 21 face-to-face interviews, we find that the construction of the crisis as a policy failure crucially reshaped mobilization on both sides of the conflict. Specifically, direct social actions allowed the two camps to respond to a context perceived as critical, politicizing the crisis in light of the declining trust in representative institutions, while also responding to the growing demand for efficacy and concreteness. The findings offer novel empirical insight on movement–countermovement interactions and contribute to the scholarly debate on the relation between crises and the politicisation of contentious issues in Europe. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Dagi, Dogachan. The EU–Turkey Migration Deal: Performance and Prospects // European Foreign Affairs Review (2020) nr. 2, lk. 197 – 216.
This article discusses whether the EU–Turkey migration deal of 2016 is sustainable in the midst of divergent priorities and expectations of the parties, adverse results procured from the deal, and growing mutual distrust between the EU and Turkey. In so doing, first, it provides an overview on the background of Europe’s migration crisis of 2015–2016 and outlines the rationale behind and expectations from the deal. Secondly, the article critically reviews the performance of the deal to evaluate the extent to which it has met the expectations. It is explained that while Turkey has gained strategic leverage in its relations with the EU its government has to bear political costs at the home-front and shelve off its accession perspective. The EU, on the other hand, has managed to reduce the number of migrants using the Eastern Mediterranean route but has to endure constant threats of the Turkish government to withdraw from the deal and put up with its withering reputation as a normative power. Finally, by highlighting the expectation-outcome gap and the political cost the deal has induced to bear for both parties, this article demonstrates that the agreement has been circumstantial without a solid foundation, and any of the parties may opt-out once it regards the cost-benefit balance works unfavourably for them. (Kluwer Law International)
- Goodman, Sara Wallace ; Schimmelfennig, Frank. Migration: a step too far for the contemporary global order? // Journal of European Public Policy (2020) nr. 7, lk. 1103-1113.
Migration is arguably the single most salient issue in in Western democracies today. Anti-immigrant attitudes have fueled the rise of right-wing populist parties, have proved decisive in swaying a slim margin of the British public to support Brexit and have catalyzed delicate democracies down authoritarian tracks. We contend that because of predominant identity and security concerns, the free movement of people has never become a key element of the contemporary global order despite its qualifying, liberal credentials. Even in the European Union (EU), the integration of migration policy has remained fragmented and differentiated. These omissions are taking their toll as they generate friction between domestic and supranational goals, and as global problems – like the recent refugee crisis – lack ‘global’ or unified solutions. Migration has turned from an orphan of the global order to one of its primary challengers. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Hadj Abdou, Leila. ‘Push or pull’? Framing immigration in times of crisis in the European Union and the United States // Journal of European Integration (2020) nr 5, lk. 643-658.
Migration has become a highly divisive, polarizing issue. This article contributes to the understanding of this polarization by looking at interpretations of migration during critical junctures. It explores discursive framings during the recent migration crises in the European Union and the United States. Analysing interview data collected between 2014 and 2018 with over 100 governance actors, it finds that similar interpretations emerge among the same type of actors’ groups across both settings. This finding emphasizes the role of situated agency for framing processes. Frames in both cases establish a perspective of migration as a tragedy, and focus, depending on the type of governance actor, either on pull factors in countries of arrival or push factors in countries of origin as the main cause of immigration, leading to conflicting ideas as to how to respond to the crisis. These conflicting understandings, the article concludes, further fuel the existing socio-political divides. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Wallaschek, Stefan. Contested solidarity in the Euro crisis and Europe’s migration crisis: a discourse network analysis // Journal of European Public Policy (2020) nr. 7, lk. 1034-1053.
The article analyses the solidarity discourse in the Euro crisis and Europe’s migration crisis and examines how meanings of solidarity are framed and which political parties participate in these debates. The discourse coalition and coalition magnet approaches are combined to study the two discourse dynamics of demanding solidarity (migration crisis) or being criticised for not showing solidarity (Euro crisis) in the German media discourse. By applying the discourse network methodology, the interdependence of framing and actor visibility is analysed. It is demonstrated that solidarity is linked to austerity by a conservative party discourse coalition in the Euro crisis. The migration crisis discourse is shaped by one large discourse coalition, arguing for political solidarity. In 2015, political solidarity is challenged by security and demarcation claims in the migration crisis. The study contributes to the ideational research framework and demonstrates the different trajectories of solidarity in Europe in hard times. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Ademmer, Esther ; Leupold, Anna ; Stöhr, Tobias. Much ado about nothing? The (non-) politicisation of the European Union in social media debates on migration // European Union Politics (2019) nr. 2, lk.305-327.
The widespread view that the refugee crisis has sparked unprecedented levels of European Union politicisation has rarely been backed by systematic empirical evidence. We investigate this claim using a novel dataset of several thousand user comments posted below articles of German regional media outlets on Facebook. Despite considerable European Union authority in the policy area, extensive media coverage of the crisis and the rise of a populist party in Germany, our results suggest that the politicisation of Europe remains low among social media users, especially when compared to national and subnational levels of governance. When talking about Europe, users hardly refer to European Union institutions or policies. Instead, other member states and notions of the geographic or cultural space dominate the debate. (Sage Journals)
- Ceccorulli, Michela. Back to Schengen: the collective securitisation of the EU free-border area // West European Politics (2019), nr 2, lk.302-322.
This article considers how a major influx of migrants from North Africa and the Middle East during 2015 led to an EU-initiated collective securitisation of the Schengen space. The events of 2015 represented an internal crisis for the EU. This was not simply because migration stretched host country facilities and created political division within and between the member states. The uncoordinated reintroduction of border controls by some member states threatened the unravelling of the Schengen Agreement itself. The consequent security discourse which then gained currency in EU documents strongly underlined the need ‘to go back to normality’ and ‘to go back to Schengen’, not only to manage increasingly tense relations among member states but also to preserve what was seen as a core achievement of the EU. Contrary to the expectations of mainstream literature on securitisation, the policies enacted in response to the securitisation of Schengen have violated neither ‘normal politics’ of the EU nor existing or planned policies on migration and asylum despite the wide contestation of current EU migration and asylum practices. The article concludes that the normative dimension behind this collective securitisation should not be underestimated or too easily discounted. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Cusumano, Eugenio. Migrant rescue as organized hypocrisy: EU maritime missions offshore Libya between humanitarianism and border control // Cooperation and Conflict (2019) nr. 1, lk. 3-24.
In November 2014, Frontex started its Southern Mediterranean border monitoring operation Triton, followed in June 2015 by the Common Security and Defence Policy anti-smuggling mission EU Naval Force Mediterranean (EUNAVFOR Med) ‘Sophia’. Both operations’ outward communication has placed considerable emphasis on the conduct of maritime search and rescue. Still, this commitment was not matched by consistent action. Triton and EUNAVFOR Med have conducted a relatively limited number of search and rescue operations, prioritizing border control and anti-smuggling tasks. This article explains the gap between the European Union missions’ humanitarian rhetoric and an operational conduct primarily focusing on curbing irregular migration as a form of organized hypocrisy. Decoupling talk and action allowed Triton and EUNAVFOR Med to reconcile the conflicting expectations arising from European governments’ willingness to reduce migrant arrivals and the normative imperative to act against the loss of life at sea. However, the European Union missions’ organized hypocrisy had several negative externalities, hindering effective management of the humanitarian crisis offshore Libya (Sage Journals)
- Olmedo, C Anguita. The migrant crisis in the Mediterranean: A multidimensional challenge for the European Union // RUDN journal of Sociology (2019) nr. 4 lk.617-629.
The European Union (EU) throughout its history has been the destination of diverse migratory flows. Therefore, migration has acquired special relevance by occupying a prominent position on the EU’s political, economic, cultural, and social agenda. The most recent migration crisis of 2015 represents a multidimensional challenge with severe consequences that affect, first, the institutional foundations of the EU (governance, security, solidarity of member states and institutional stability) and, second, the migratory policies of receiving states and the EU itself. This crisis is characterized, first, by the high number of illegal migrants that cross the Mediterranean, and, second, by the humanitarian tragedy and insecurity, which make the sea a grey area and an international reference in the migratory processes. The migration-security equation became a field of applied research and analysis, and at the same time a focus of political debate and public opinion. The article aims at analysing the crisis of 2015 and its consequences, which is done by means of the methodological approach based on the consequences that this phenomenon entails for the EU and for certain member states. The response of the EU is limited primarily to securitization by strengthening the external borders, turning towards internal security rather than respecting international and Community Treaties and promotion of their values, which contradicts the anticipated leadership of this global actor. The authors believe that it is necessary to implement new mechanisms in addition to ensuring greater effectiveness of the existing ones. (DOAJ Directory of Open Access Journals)
- Ripoll Servent, Ariadna. Failing under the ‘shadow of hierarchy’: explaining the role of the European Parliament in the EU’s ‘asylum crisis’ // Journal of European Integration. Special Issue: Power Without Influence? Explaining the Impact of the European Parliament Post-Lisbon (2019) nr 3, lk. 293-310.One of the main proposals to solve the ‘asylum crisis’ of 2015–2016 was to reform the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) and, in particular, the Dublin regime. However, the European Council conclusion of June 2018 exposed the failure to find an agreement on the CEAS reform. This article examines the conditions for policy failure – focusing on how crises affect inter-institutional negotiations and the role played by the European Parliament (EP) in particular. It shows how the EP successfully managed to form a united position and frame the crisis as a failure of previous CEAS reforms, but that this was not sufficient to break the deadlock among member states. Therefore, it demonstrates how the ‘shadow of hierarchy’ cast by the European Council may be a sufficient condition to explain policy failure, which may potentially lead to the gradual disempowerment of the EP in EU policy-making. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
Journal of Common Market Studies. Special Issue: EU Refugee Policies and Politics in Times of Crisis (2018) nr 1. (Wiley Online Library)
- Niemann, Arne ; Zaun, Natascha. EU Refugee Policies and Politics in Times of Crisis: Theoretical and Empirical Perspectives. – lk. 3 – 22.
In 2015/16, Europe faced the largest inflow of refugees since World War II. This inflow highlighted systemic deficiencies in EU asylum co-operation which provoked a state of crisis. Together with the Eurozone crisis, this crisis has the potential to seriously damage the overall project of EU integration. The goal of this Special Issue is to provide a first systematic assessment of the crisis, applying and further developing key theoretical approaches to the sequence of events. In empirical terms, we advance original empirical evidence in order to deepen our understanding of the crisis and how it has been managed. In theoretical terms, we seek to (re)assess the usefulness and limitations of some important theoretical perspectives to European integration at a critical juncture of the EU’s history. After presenting the sequence of events and assessing the EU’s crisis response, the introduction will summarize our main findings and present avenues for further research.
- Niemann, Andre ; Speyer, Johanna. A Neofunctionalist Perspective on the ‘European Refugee Crisis’: The Case of the European Border and Coast Guard. – lk. 23 – 43.
Initial literature on the ‘European refugee crisis’ discerned intergovernmental tendencies in its management. This paper examines whether neofunctionalism may be able to explain a major case of ‘European refugee crisis’ policy-making, the negotiations on the European Border and Coast Guard regulation. We argue, somewhat counterintuitively, that the theory considerably furthers our respective understanding. The crisis acted as a catalyst exposing the weaknesses of a system that pitted a supranational Schengen against a largely intergovernmental external border regime, notwithstanding a developing Frontex. These dysfunctionalities have been widely fostered by both national and supranational decision-makers shrinking from the significant economic, political and sunk costs of Schengen disintegration, thus ruling out the possibility for spillback. Additionally, further integration was substantially nurtured by supranational agency, ‘socialized’ national civil servants, transnational NGOs and European business associations.
- Zaun, Natascha. States as Gatekeepers in EU Asylum Politics: Explaining the Non-adoption of a Refugee Quota System. – lk. 44 – 62.
Building on Moravcsik’s Liberal Intergovernmentalism, I offer an explanation of the non-decision on permanent EU refugee quotas. Some traditionally influential Member States in EU asylum politics, such as Germany, Austria and Sweden, received large numbers of refugees and faced strong domestic pressures to engage other Member States in responsibility-sharing. Yet, governments of Member States with small application numbers (among whom several Eastern European governments were particularly vocal) had incentives to undercut responsibility-sharing to avoid similar pressures. Having a better alternative to the potentially negotiated agreement, these governments successfully blocked the introduction of permanent refugee quotas. Besides explaining the absence of an effective response to one of the root causes of the asylum crisis (unequal strains) through asymmetrical interdependence, the article further develops Liberal Intergovernmentalist arguments and shows how national electorates influence positions taken by governments at the EU level when they are mobilized by right-wing populist parties.
- Thielemann, Eiko. Why Refugee Burden-Sharing Initiatives Fail: Public Goods, Free-Riding and Symbolic Solidarity in the EU. – lk. 63 – 82.
Traditionally, differences in states’ refugee protection contributions have been attributed to the variation in countries’ structural pull-factors such as their geographic location. However, policy choices, such as Germany’s decision to open its borders for Syrian refugees in 2015, can also have a significant impact on the number of arrivals and constitute a puzzle that traditional approaches struggle to explain. This paper demonstrates that viewing refugee burden-sharing through the lens of public goods theory can provide significant insights about refugee protection dynamics in the EU, in particular in the context of a sudden mass influx of migrants that threatens internal security. By highlighting how free-riding and burden-shifting dynamics can undermine the provision of collective goods during a refugee crisis, a public goods approach can advance our understanding of why countries sometimes accept disproportionate responsibilities for forced migrants and how the effectiveness of EU refugee burden-sharing instruments can, and should, be strengthened.
- Ripoll Servent, Ariadna. A New Form of Delegation in EU Asylum: Agencies as Proxies of Strong Regulators. – lk. 83 – 100.
The malfunctioning of the Common European Asylum System can be traced back to the principle of responsibility established by the Dublin regime. To attenuate its problems, the EU has delegated regulatory competences to Frontex and the European Asylum Support Office (EASO), which have been given a ‘right to intervene’ in those Member States that put the system at risk. This article expands Majone’s typologies of agents and trustees to explain why and how power has been delegated and the resulting consequences. It includes cases of failed delegation and argues that, although Frontex and EASO should operate as trustees – to prevent co-operation from breaking down – they have not been provided with enough autonomy, which exposes them to capture by particular interests. The reforms show that EU agencies are likely to be used as proxies by a group of strong Member States to monitor and intervene in weaker Member States.
- Slominski, Peter ; Trauner, Florian. How do Member States Return Unwanted Migrants? The Strategic (non-)use of ‘Europe’ during the Migration Crisis. – lk. 101 – 118.
This article analyzes how Member States have used the opportunities and avoided the constraints of the EU’s multilevel governance architecture to return unwanted migrants. Drawing on sociological approaches to the EU and a broad understanding of return policies, we investigate the ways in which the northern Member States, notably Germany and Austria, have increasingly relied upon the EU’s operational and financial resources to achieve their goal of pursuing a bold return policy. A key ‘usage’ of Europe has been the pooling of political and financial power to externalize and informalize its return policy. At the same time, the northern Member States’ deliberate – yet widely under-researched – ‘non-use’ of Europe, such as using and maximizing national leeway, has been an equally important strategy to reduce migratory pressure and achieve higher return rates.
- Moreno Lax, Violeta. The EU Humanitarian Border and the Securitization of Human Rights: The ‘Rescue-Through-Interdiction/Rescue-Without-Protection’ Paradigm. – lk. 119 – 140.
This article looks at securitization/humanitarianization dynamics in the EU external sea borders to track and critique the substantial transformation of the role played by human rights in the Mediterranean. Mapping the evolution of maritime engagement up to the ‘refugee crisis’, it is revealed how the invocation of human rights serves paradoxically to curtail (migrants’) human rights, justifying interdiction (‘to save lives’), and impeding access to safety in Europe. The result is a double reification of ‘boat migrants’ as threats to border security and as victims of smuggling/trafficking. Through a narrative of ‘rescue’, interdiction is laundered into an ethically sustainable strategy of border governance. Instead of being considered a problematic (potentially lethal) means of control, it is re-defined into a life-saving device. The ensuing ‘rescue-through-interdiction’/‘rescue-without-protection’ paradigm alters the nature of human rights, which, rather than functioning as a check on interdiction, end up co-opted as another securitization/humanitarianization tool.
- Bauböck, Rainer. Refugee Protection and Burden-Sharing in the European Union. – lk. 141 – 156.
This article starts with discussing principles for a globally just system of refugee protection to which states contribute either by admitting refugees for resettlement or by supporting refugee integration in other states. Such a system requires relatively strong assurances of compliance by the states involved, which are absent in the international arena. In the European Union, however, the Member States form a predetermined set with prior commitments and supranational institutions that facilitate effective burden sharing. The article traces the failure of the EU’s relocation scheme to meet this expectation to misconceptions how to determine fair shares, to incomplete prior harmonization of normative standards, and to contradictions between the Dublin Regulation’s principle of assigning responsibility to first countries of entry, on the one hand, and the Schengen principle of open internal borders, on the other hand.
- Harteveld, Eelco ; Schaper, Joep ; L. De Lange, Sarah ; Van Der Brug, Wouter. Blaming Brussels? The Impact of (News about) the Refugee Crisis on Attitudes towards the EU and National Politics. – lk. 157 – 177.
This paper investigates how the refugee crisis has affected attitudes towards the EU, as well as attitudes towards national institutions. By combining different waves of individual survey data, official records of asylum applications and a content analysis of the media, we examine the effect of the numbers of asylum applications and the amount of media coverage thereof on citizens’ attitudes towards the EU and national politics. Our findings demonstrate that the number of asylum applications in the EU and the media attention this generates primarily affect euroscepticism, while the number of asylum applications into each individual Member State first and foremost affects attitudes towards national institutions. Our results contribute to the literature on democratic accountability, by demonstrating that, even in a complex multi-level governance structure, citizens differentiate between levels of government.
- Genschel, Philipp ; Jachtenfuchs, Markus. From Market Integration to Core State Powers: The Eurozone Crisis, the Refugee Crisis and Integration Theory. – lk. 178 – 196.
The Eurozone crisis and the refugee crisis are showcases of the problems associated with the EU’s shift from market integration to the integration of core state powers. The integration of core state powers responds to similar demand factors as market integration (interdependence, externalities and spillover) but its supply is more tightly constrained by a high propensity for zero-sum conflict, a functional requirement for centralized fiscal, coercive and administrative capacities, and high political salience. We show how these constraints structured the initial design of Economic and Monetary Union and of Schengen, made them vulnerable to crisis, and shaped policy options during the crises: they made horizontal differentiation unattractive, re-regulation ineffective, centralized risk and burden-sharing unfeasible, and the externalization of adjustment burdens to non-EU actors necessary by default. In conclusion, we explore possible escape routes from the trap.
- Berneri, Chiara. Family reunification between static EU citizens and third country nationals // European Journal of Migration and Law (2018) nr. 3, lk. 289 – 313.
According to the available data, the number of refugees worldwide has recently exceeded 50 million people. Europe in particular has become the place to which immigrants direct themselves in search of a better life. Numerous have been the efforts at EU level to introduce new legal channels of immigration. Within these efforts, family reunification has not been thoroughly explored by the EU as a tangible way to provide an alternative legal pathway to asylum.
The scope of this work is to link family reunification between static EU citizens and third country nationals to the current European immigration background in order to appreciate it as a way to channel safe immigration. This article will first give an overview of where we stand today in terms of the protection of this kind of family looking at data and case law. It will then focus on the reasons why a further enhancement of this tool is desirable and how it can be achieved in a concrete fashion. In particular, it will argue that a broader reading of the concept of emotional dependency, within the broader application of Zambrano, should be applied to further benefit families involved in the current refugee crisis. [Paberkandjal; Academic Search Complete (EBSCO); HeinOnline]
- Caporaso, James A. Europe’s Triple Crisis and the Uneven Role of Institutions: the Euro, Refugees and Brexit // Journal of Common Market Studies (2018) nr 6, lk. 1345-1361.
Europe is currently embroiled in three ongoing and interacting crises concerning the eurozone, refugees and Brexit. After briefly describing each crisis, I turn to the ways in which they intersect and the role of institutions in solving the crises. There are two central themes in the paper. The first is that the three crises intersect and feed on one another. The second is that, while institutions can often help, they are not panaceas. Existing scholarship on the EU often implies that the EU operates far from its institutional frontier and that substantial improvements in welfare are just around the corner if only we ‘get our institutions right’. But institutional fixes do not exist for all problems. I argue that there is a large space for institutional improvement in the eurozone crisis, less regarding refugees, and still less for Brexit. [Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
- Fietkau, Sebastian ; Hansen, Kasper M. How perceptions of immigrants trigger feelings of economic and cultural threats in two welfare states // European Union Politics (2018) nr 1, lk. 119 – 139.
Better understanding of attitudes toward immigration is crucial to avoid misperception of immigration in the public debate. Through two identical online survey experiments applying morphed faces of non-Western immigrants and textual vignettes, the authors manipulate complexion, education, family background, and gender in Denmark and Germany. For women, an additional split in which half of the women wore a headscarf is performed. In both countries, highly skilled immigrants are preferred to low-skilled immigrants. Danes are more skeptical toward non-Western immigration than Germans. Essentially, less educated Danes are very critical of accepting non-Western immigrants in their country. It is suggested that this difference is driven by a large welfare state in Denmark compared to Germany, suggesting a stronger fear in welfare societies that immigrants will exploit welfare benefits. (Sage Journals Onlines)
- Fragapane, Stefania ; Minaldi, Giancarlo. Migration policies and digital technologies in Europe: a comparison between Italy and Spain // Journal of European Integration (2018) nr. 7, lk. 905-921.
This paper analyses the connection between European migration policies and digital technologies, with a look at the significant changes that have affected the formation and meaning of borders on the continent. Particular attention is paid to the primary digital surveillance systems (SIS II, VIS, EURODAC) in Italy and Spain, importantly ‘Europe’s gatekeepers’ over the last decade. The results of the research contradict the thesis that there is persistence non-compliance with surveillance systems in the Southern European member states, and also highlight important areas of divergence between the two countries’ migration policy pathways. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
Frid-Nielsen, Snorre Sylvester. Human rights or security? Positions on asylum in European Parliament speeches // European Union Politics (2018) nr. 2, lk. lk. 344–362.
This study examines speeches in the European Parliament relating to asylum. Conceptually, it tests hypotheses concerning the relation between national parties and Members of European Parliament. The computer-based content analysis method Wordfish is used to examine 876 speeches from 2004 to 2014, scaling Members of European Parliament along a unidimensional policy space. Debates on asylum predominantly concern positions for or against European Union security measures. Surprisingly, national party preferences for European Union integration were not the dominant factor. The strongest predictors of Members of European Parliament’s positions are their national parties’ general ‘right-left’ preferences, and duration of European Union membership. Generally, Members of European Parliament from Central and Eastern Europe and the European People’s Party take up pro-security stances. Wordfish was effective and valid, confirming the relevance of automated content analysis for studying the European Union. (Sage Journals Onlines)
- Guérin, Nina. One wave of reforms, many outputs: the diffusion of European asylum policies beyond Europe // Journal of European Public Policy (2018) nr. 7: Best Papers from the European Union Studies Association 2017 Biennial Conference, lk. 1068-1087
Since the 1990s, 13 of the 15 states of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) have passed asylum policy reforms. Yet, while some of the reforms have resulted in an alignment with European asylum policies, others have not. To account for the scope and content of asylum policy reform in the ENP states, a wide array of possible explanatory factors has been advanced in the literature. However, current explanations remain on a case-specific level, and thus fall short of accounting for the broader variation in asylum policy reform in the EU’s neighbourhood. This article seeks to identify the relevant drivers of alignment with European asylum policies, employing a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) across 13 ENP countries. The results show that ENP states align with European asylum policies in two cases: first, if they are electoral democracies and face moderate migratory pressures; second, if they are electoral democracies and hold EU membership aspirations. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Helbling, Marc ; Kalkum, Dorina. Migration policy trends in OECD countries // Journal of European Public Policy (2018) nr. 12, lk. 1779-1797.
This article investigates whether migration policies in Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries have become more liberal or restrictive over the last decades and whether or not these policies have converged, especially among European Union (EU) countries. Owing to a lack of data, the few existing studies in this field have mostly focused on policy outcome data. Various and sometimes contradicting statements have therefore largely remained untested. This article analyses data from the Immigration Policies in Comparison (IMPIC) project that includes measures for different policy fields between 1980 and 2010 in all OECD states. We find that the conditions and criteria for entering and staying in a country have become more liberal. At the same time, however, we observe that more restrictive control mechanisms have been put in place. We also find that there is a general convergence trend in the migration policy field that varies in intensity, however, across policy fields. We only partially observe any Europeanization effects. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Morsut, Caludia ; Kruke, Bjørn Ivar. Crisis governance of the refugee and migrant influx into Europe in 2015: a tale of disintegration // Journal of European Integration (2018) nr. 1, lk. 145 – 159.
This paper examines the crisis governance of the refugee and migrant influx into Europe in 2015 through the lenses of Kooiman’s modes of governance. The key theoretical perspectives rest upon the crisis and crisis governance literature and are applied to the initiatives taken by the European Commission and the Council in response to the so-called 2015 migrant and refugee crisis. This article questions the mode(s) of crisis governance applied by the EU to govern the massive influx of migrants and refugees. The main findings indicate that a mixed mode of governance should have been applied strategically, mainly inside the Council, in order to avoid national fragmented responses. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Schimmelfennig, Frank. European integration (theory) in times of crisis. A comparison of the euro and Schengen crises // Journal of European Public Policy (2018) nr. 7: Best Papers from the European Union Studies Association 2017 Biennial Conference, lk. 969-989.
The European Union has gone through major crises of its two flagship integration projects of the 1990s: the euro and Schengen. Both crises had structurally similar causes and beginnings: exogenous shocks exposed the functional shortcomings of both integration projects and produced sharp distributional conflict among governments, as well as an unprecedented politicization of European integration in member state societies. Yet they have resulted in significantly different outcomes: whereas the euro crisis has brought about a major deepening of integration, the Schengen crisis has not. I put forward a neofunctionalist explanation of these different outcomes, which emphasizes variation in transnational interdependence and supranational capacity across the two policy areas. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Scipioni, Marco. Failing forward in EU migration policy? EU integration after the 2015 asylum and migration crisis // Journal of European Public Policy (2018) nr 9, lk. 1357-1375.
By advancing integration through incomplete agreements, the European Union (EU) has created the very conditions for the emergence of crises, and this has, in turn, spurred on further agreements to deepen integration. Employing this theoretical lens, this article examines EU co-operation in asylum and migration that culminated in 2015 to determine whether crises are, in fact, integral to a cyclical process of EU integration rather than occasional events caused by external shocks. This is done by examining the failures and crises that emerged in migration and asylum policy up to 2015 and the agreements struck at EU level to address them. It is found that despite nominal action to address the weak monitoring mechanisms in use to date and incremental reinforcement of the constellation of institutions operating in this area, no solution has dealt with the critical lack of solidarity and absence of centralized institutions at the root of these issues. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Skleparis, Dimitris. ‘A Europe without Walls, without Fences, without Borders’: A Desecuritisation of Migration Doomed to Fail // Political Studies (2018) nr 4, lk.985-1001.
It has been commonly argued that amid the so-called ‘migration crisis’ in 2015, Greece ignored its Dublin Regulation obligations due to unprecedentedly high migration flows, structural weaknesses, fears and uncertainty. However, this narrative deprives the Greek government of agency. In contrast, this article puts forward an alternative analysis of Greece’s attitude. It argues that the Greek government’s policy choices in the realms of border controls, migration and asylum in 2015, prior to the ‘EU–Turkey deal’, manifested a well-calculated desecuritisation strategy with a twofold aim. In this respect, this article provides an analysis of why and how the newly elected SYRIZA-led coalition government embarked on a desecuritising move and assesses the success/effectiveness of this move and the desecuritisation strategy. It argues that although the government’s desecuritising move was successful, overall, its desecuritisation strategy failed to produce the anticipated results vis-à-vis the government’s twofold aim and intended outcomes. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO), Sage Premier 2016]
- Thym, Daniel. A. Court of Justice Judicial maintenance of the sputtering Dublin system on asylum jurisdiction: Jafari, A.S., Mengesteab and Shiri // Common Market Law Review (2018) nr. 2, lk. 549–568. (Paberväljaanne)
- De Witte, Bruno ; Tsourdi, Evangelia (Lilian). ‘A. Court of Justice Confrontation on relocation – The Court of Justice endorses the emergency scheme for compulsory relocation of asylum seekers within the European Union: Slovak Republic and Hungary v. Council’ // Common Market Law Review (2018) nr 5, lk. 1457–1494. (Paberväljaanne)
- Wolf, Marie ; Ossewaarde, Marinus. The political vision of Europe during the ‘refugee crisis’: missing common ground for integration // Journal of European Integration (2018) nr 1, lk. 33 – 50.
This article analyses imaginaries of political decision makers of the European Union in the context of the ‘refugee crisis’ and interprets them according to theories of European integration – neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism. Speeches, interviews, statements and press releases of the 28 heads of state and government and two Commissioners are analysed through a qualitative content analysis. The aim of the article is to derive prospects for European integration from the imaginaries. We found that the European imaginaries expressed by the largest group of heads of state and government remain blurred without clarification which position is taken on European integration, while the imaginaries expressed by the Commissioners are mainly characterised by support of further integration. Our interpretation of the European imaginaries suggests that the prospects for further integration remain limited according to neofunctionalism, but are higher following liberal intergovernmentalism. In policy fields that are directly related to the management of the crisis further cooperation can be expected. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Xanthopoulou, Ermioni. ‘Mutual trust and rights in EU criminal and asylum law: Three phases of evolution and the uncharted territory beyond blind trust’ // Common Market Law Review (2018) nr. 2, lk. 489–509.
This article examines the evolving relationship of mutual trust and fundamental rights in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice. The ECJ has long prioritized the effectiveness of instruments based on mutual trust through an unimpeded system of mutual recognition. Arguments based on a violation of fundamental rights were taken to contradict the presumption of compliance, refute mutual trust, and hinder automatic mutual recognition. The ECJ has now accepted, both in criminal and asylum law, that the presumption of compliance is not conclusive and mutual trust is not blind. The article observes an emergent, but carefully controlled dynamic of rights-based assessment through case-by-case analysis, illustrating three phases of mutual trust, but argues that this dynamic is slow, unclear and inadequate. It suggests that national authorities should take a proactive role, promoting real and constructive relationships of trust, allowing an individual assessment of rights violations via rights-based review. The latter is based on a proper understanding of trust, as an evolving concept based on evidence. Respect for rights, terminological clarity, enhanced judicial communication, and acknowledgment of shared values are the way forward. (Paberväljaanne)
- Barbulescu, Roxana. Still a Beacon of Human Rights? Considerations on the EU Response to the Refugee Crisis in the Mediterranean // Mediterranean Politics (2017) nr. 2, lk. 301 -308.
The European Union is a political union of democracies which protects human rights and presents itself as a beacon of human rights on the global scene. International and European human rights treaties provide asylum seekers, refugees and migrants with specific rights, which signatory states must defend. EU member states have been among the first to ratify such human rights treaties, including the UN Convention on the Status of Refugees (1951, the Geneva Convention), the European Convention of Human Rights (1950), the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (2007). What is more, the EU itself is seeking to accede to the European Convention of Human Rights.
This Profile reviews the measures the EU has introduced in response to the crisis and highlights the problems they pose from a human rights perspective. Whether the EU will be able to respond to the unfolding crisis by providing international protection to those in need while simultaneously securing its external borders will be a yardstick by which to judge its human rights commitment. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
- Bhambra, Gurminder K. The current crisis of Europe: Refugees, colonialism, and the limits of cosmopolitanism // European Law Journal (2017) nr. 5, lk. 395 – 405.
‘Cosmopolitan Europe’, the normative commitment that is widely understood to undergird the project of the European Union, is under threat as never before. This is manifest perhaps most prominently in Europe’s collective failure to respond to the refugee crisis. As people flee war and destruction, we, in Europe, debate whether now is the time to give up on our human rights commitments. France is under a state of emergency and the UK in the process of withdrawing from the European Union and its associated institutions (including the European Convention on Human Rights). Voices have been raised against the burdens, financial and social, placed upon us by those we see as Other, with few public voices calling for Europe to remember its traditions of hospitality and stated commitments to human rights. In this article, I discuss the growing distance between the claims and practices of European cosmopolitanism, its roots in our shared colonial past, and the implications for the future. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO), Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
- Carlier, Jean-Yves ; Leboeuf, Luc. Choice of residence for refugees and subsidiary protection beneficiaries; variations on the equality principle: Alo and Osso // Common Market Law Review (2017) nr. 2, lk. 631 – 644. (Paberväljaanne)
- Cellini, Marco. Filling the Gap of the Dublin System: A Soft Cosmopolitan Approach // Journal of Contemporary European Research (2017) nr. 1
This paper analyses the European legislation on asylum, the so-called ‘Dublin System’, finding three main issues affecting it a) the allocation of refugees between member states; b) the differences between member states in the treatment of asylum seekers and asylum applications; and c) the differences in the rights granted to the refugee status across member states. In addition, it examines the European Agenda on Migration that represents the official response of the EU to the present crisis. In the last section, it presents some proposal aimed to improve the European managing of refugees and asylum seekers. Following a moderated cosmopolitan approach, I propose the establishment of a limited citizenship for refugees that might be thought as a temporary citizenship conditioned to the possession of the refugee status. At this particular citizenship, one may apply different rights, but to face the issues encountered, it may be sufficient to connect to it only the freedom of movement and residence throughout the EU. I argue that such a policy would have a number of advantages and could at least partially solve the issues currently present in the European asylum policy. (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals)
- Della Sala, Vincent. Homeland security: territorial myths and ontological security in the European Union // Journal of European Integration (2017)nr. 5, lk. 545 – 558.
The EU may be a sui generis polity but it has not escaped the challenge of establishing narratives that help define its territoriality. Political narratives about territoriality, especially political myths, are important instruments for political communities to develop ontological security.
The article argues that the European Union faced a dilemma in the refugee crisis in balancing its foundational values with a narrative about a territory with managed external borders. The EU’s territorial myth is not entirely successful in that it lacks some key narrative forms that are essential for widely diffused myths. Territorial myths are not just about establishing borders but also about defining the community; so long as this remains ill-defined, the paper argues, territorial myths will contribute in a limited way to providing the ontological security to address pressing challenges. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Eigmüller, Monika. Beyond the crisis: The societal effects of the European transformation // European Law Journal (2017) nr. 5, lk. 350 – 360.
The European Union has been in crisis mode for a decade now. Both the global economic and financial crisis of 2009 and, more recently, the so-called “refugee crisis” have clearly revealed the serious institutional misalignments of the EU, its absence of intergovernmental solidarity, and the fragility of a European construction that has achieved little more than the creation of a common market. The EU’s failure to successfully meet these challenges has led to a serious crisis of confidence, triggering widespread popular distrust of the EU and its institutions and suspiciousness towards politics and political decisions in general. At the same time, and somewhat paradoxically, Europeans still express support for the EU; furthermore, there are tangible shows of solidarity between European citizens. Thus, contrary to the common assumption, the lack of social integration matters considerably less than institutional misalignment and a failing process of system integration in accounting for the EU’s current crises and challenges. Thus it seems important to look more closely at the type of social integration involved, given the uncertain institutional supports. The question facing Europe today is what kind of trust and affective European attitude and sense of belonging that will sustain over time. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO), Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
- Grech, Philip. Undesired properties of the European Commission’s refugee distribution key // European Union Politics (2017) nr. 2, lk. 212 – 238.
The European Commission has proposed a refugee distribution key, which yields respective quotas for European Union/European Free Trade Association member states. It is based on four quantities: GDP, population, asylum applications per capita in the past, and unemployment rates. I show that the given distribution key has properties which contradict the European Commission’s intentions. Exemplarily, states with low (high) unemployment may experience a lower (higher) quota when unemployment is taken into account compared to when it is not. These deviations are single-digit percentages. As a remedy, I propose an alternative distribution key, which avoids the undesired properties. It is modeled in the spirit of the European Commission’s proposal and is based on the same four quantities. Deviations between the two distribution keys are up to two-digit percentages. (Sage Journals Onlines)
- den Heijer, Maarten. Remedies in the Dublin Regulation: Ghezelbash and Karim // Common Market Law Review (2017) nr. 3, lk. 859 – 871.
Case C-63/15, Mehrdad Ghezelbash v. Staatssecretaris van Veilighed en Justitie , judgment of the Court (Grand Chamber) of 7 June 2016, EU:C:2016:409 and Case C-155/15, George Karim v. Migrationsverket, judgment of the Court (Grand Chamber) of 7 June 2016, EU:C:2016:410. (Paberväljaanne)
- Little, Adrian ; Vaughan-Williams, Nick. Stopping boats, saving lives, securing subjects: Humanitarian borders in Europe and Australia // European Journal of International Relations (2017) nr. 3, lk. 533 – 556.
In April 2015, former Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott called on European leaders to respond to the migration and refugee crisis in the Mediterranean by ‘stopping the boats’ in order to prevent further deaths. This suggestion resonated with the European Union Commission’s newly articulated commitment to both enhancing border security and saving lives.
This article charts the increasing entanglement of securitisation and humanitarianism in the context of transnational border control and migration management. The analysis traces the global phenomenon of humanitarian border security alongside a series of spatial dislocations and temporal deferrals of ‘the border’ in both European and Australian contexts.
While discourses of humanitarian borders operate according to a purportedly universal and therefore borderless logic of ‘saving lives’, the subjectivity of the ‘irregular’ migrant in need of rescue is one that is produced as spatially and temporally exceptional — the imperative is always to act in the here and the now — and therefore knowable, governable and ‘bordered’. (Sage Journals Onlines)
- Mavelli, Luca. Governing populations through the humanitarian government of refugees: Biopolitical care and racism in the European refugee crisis // Review of International Studies (2017) nr 5, lk. 809 – 832.
The notion of humanitarian government has been increasingly employed to describe the simultaneous and conflicting deployment of humanitarianism and security in the government of ‘precarious lives’ such as refugees. This article argues that humanitarian government should also be understood as the biopolitical government of host populations through the humanitarian government of refugees. In particular, it explores how the biopolitical governmentality of the UK decision to suspend search-and-rescue operations in the Mediterranean in 2014, and the British rejection and German welcoming of Syrian refugees primarily concern the biological and emotional care of the British and German populations. To this end, the article analyses how dynamics of inclusion/exclusion of refugees have been informed by a biopolitical racism that redraws the boundary between ‘valuable’ (to be included) and ‘not valuable’ (to be excluded) lives according to the refugees’ capacity to enhance the biological and emotional well-being of host populations. This discussion aims to contribute to three interrelated fields of research – namely, humanitarian government, biopolitical governmentality, and responses to the European refugee crisis – by exploring how biopolitics has shaped the British and German responses to the crisis and how it encompasses more meanings and rationalities than currently recognised by existing scholarship on humanitarian government. (ProQuest Research Library)
- Nicolosi, Salvatore Fabio. Going Unnoticed? Diagnosing the Right to Asylum in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union // European Law Journal (2017) nr 1-2, lk. 94 – 117.
Article 18 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union enshrines the right to asylum. Nonetheless, despite its ‘constitutionalisation’ within primary law, asylum remains a far too amorphous right, whose axiological potential has gone virtually unnoticed in the ongoing migratory crisis. The paper will argue that this is partly due to the fact that the Court of Justice on a few occasions has declined to clarify the scope of Article 18. The provision at issue therefore remains a pathological element that requires an adequate diagnosis on which accurate prognoses can be based. In an attempt to diagnose the right to asylum enshrined in Article 18 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU, this paper will compare different hermeneutical approaches and reflect on the contextualisation of the mentioned provision through the lens of domestic and EU case law and in the light of the recent EU–Turkey Statement. The article will ultimately propose to interpret the EU asylum legislation as instrumental to the effective exercise of the right to asylum. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO), Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
- Schoukens, Paul ; Buttiens, Siemen. Social protection of non-removable rejected asylum-seekers in the EU: A legal assessment // European Journal of Social Security (2017) nr. 4, lk. 313 – 334.
Asylum-seekers whose application for international protection in the European Union (EU) is rejected receive a return decision. However, the enforcement of this decision may be temporarily impossible due to legal or practical barriers, or policy choices. An assessment of the provisions in the Returns Directive offering social protection to non-removable rejected asylum-seekers shows that only limited standards of protection are guaranteed. Consequently, the EU Member States are left plenty of room to manoeuvre. This article raises the question of what social protection this particular group is legally entitled to in a sample of 17 EU Member States. For the purpose of this article, ‘social protection’ is defined as access to the labour market, health care and social benefits. This study finds that Member States’ approaches differ markedly with respect to each of these three issues. Furthermore, it questions the added value of the current legal framework at the level of the EU. Finally, some suggestions for improving the level of social protection of non-removable rejected asylum seekers are put forward. (HeinOnline)
- Sölter, Nicolas. The Abyss of Complexity: Some Remarks on European and German Law in the Migration Crisis // European Public Law (2017) nr.1, lk. 41 – 54.
This article focuses on dysfunctions of European and German law in the face of mass migration. In particular, it reflects the German debate on the relation of domestic constitutional provisions and EU asylum law. Special attention is paid to the domestic separation of powers and tensions for federalism. (Paberväljaanne)
- Cardwell, Paul James. Rethinking Law and New Governance in the European Union: the Case of Migration Management // European Law Review (2016) nr. 3, lk. 362 – 378.
This article proposes a way forward in the debate about law and new governance in the contemporary European Union. Migration management is used a prism through which we can see what is happening in a significant area of EU activity and re-evaluate new governance, both in terms of its opportunities, but also crucially, its dangers. A rethink on new governance and its application to external migration implies an alteration of the lenses by which we see migration, by uncoupling new governance from its synergy with ‘good’ governance and to instead consider that new governance may offer policy-makers opportunities to meet goals beyond legislative processes. The article does not argue that new governance should be used in migration management. Rather, by using governance as an explanatory concept and providing a critique, the contribution of the article is to highlight the potential dangers that new modes of governance may pose to transparency and legitimacy in the contemporary EU, especially if they are used to bypass legislative processes and avoid civic involvement. (Westlaw International)
- Czaika, Mathias ; Hobolth, Mogens. Do restrictive asylum and visa policies increase irregular migration into Europe? // European Union Politics (2016) nr. 3, lk. 345 – 365.
This article investigates the extent to which restrictive asylum and visa policies trigger an unintended behavioural response of potential and rejected asylum seekers. Based on our analysis of bilateral asylum and visa policies on migrant flows to 29 European states in the 2000s, we find evidence of a significant deflection into irregularity at work. Our estimates suggest that a 10% increase in asylum rejections raises the number of irregular migrants by on average 2% to 4%, and similarly, a 10% increase in short-stay visa rejections leads to a 4% to 7% increase in irregular border entries. We identify significant nuances in the impact of restrictive asylum and visa policies on the number of apprehensions ‘at the border’ versus ‘on territory’. (Sage Journals Onlines)
- den Heijer, Maarten ; Rijpma, Jorrit ; Spijkerboer, Thomas. Coercion, prohibition, and great expectations: The continuing failure of the Common European Asylum System // Common Market Law Review (2016) nr. 3, lk 607 – 642.
This contribution explains the European asylum policy crisis from three structural weaknesses of the Common European Asylum System: its reliance on coercion within the EU; its unrealistic expectations of what borders can achieve; and the premise of prohibition of refugee movement in its external dimension. The article then critically reviews the proposals that the EU has submitted since the publication of the European migration agenda in May 2015, in the light of recent developments. (Paberväljaanne)
- Editorial Comments: Presiding the Union in times of crisis: The unenviable task of the Netherlands // Common Market Law Review (2016) nr. 2, lk. 327 – 337.
The problems that the Dutch Presidency of the Council of the European Union will face over the next six months are outlined. This article details of the current refugee crisis and how it has damaged cooperation within the Union. The outcome of Britain’s renegotiation of its membership is explained and the impact that has had on the European Union more generally. (Paberväljaanne)
- Greenhill, Kelly M. Open Arms Behind Barred Doors: Fear, Hypocrisy and Policy Schizophrenia in the European Migration Crisis // European Law Journal (2016) nr. 3, lk. 317 – 332.
In 2015, over one million refugees and migrants arrived in Europe, laying bare the limitations of the EU’s common border control and burden-sharing systems. This article examines consequences of the EU’s disjoint, schizophrenic and, at times, hypocritical responses to what has become known as the European migration crisis. It explains how unilateral, national-level responses have made the EU as a whole particularly susceptible to a unique brand of coercive bargaining that relies on the threat (or actual generation) of mass population movements as a non-military instrument of state-level coercion. After outlining who employs this kind of foreign policy tool, to what ends, and under what circumstances, the article offers an illustration of this kind of coercion in action, by analyzing the March 2016 deal between the EU and Turkey. The article concludes with a discussion of broader consequences of the deal and implications both for the displaced and for the EU going forward. (Academic Search Complete (EBSCO); Business Source Complete (EBSCO))
- Nicolosi, Salvatore Fabio. Emerging challenges of the Temporary Relocation Measures under EU Asylum Law // European Law Review (2016) nr. 3, lk. 338-361.
The ongoing migratory pressure on the EU has had a dramatic impact on frontline Member States, especially Greece and Italy, confirming the systemic failure of the Dublin system to allocate State responsibility for an asylum application and urging immediate actions in the framework of the recent European Agenda on Migration to cope with the increasing number of asylum seekers. Against this backdrop, the article investigates the nature and scope of the recent provisional measures that have been adopted to relocate within the EU asylum seekers who have applied for international protection in Greece and Italy. By discussing the main emerging challenges within the broader EU asylum law framework, including those stemming from the recent EU-Turkey deal, it will be posited that, despite constituting an important first move to the implementation of a model of solidarity across the EU, an effective system of relocation of asylum seekers must depart from the existing logic of responsibility allocation and address the different needs for protection in the reception of asylum seekers. (Westlaw International)
- Savino, Mario. Irregular migration at the crossroads, between administrative removal and criminal deterrence: The Celaj Case // Common Market Law Review (2016), nr. 5, lk. 1419 – 1439.
Case C-290/14, Skerdjan Celaj, Judgement of the Court of Justice (Fourth Chamber) of 1. October 2015, EU:C:2015:640. (Paberväljaanne)
- Schnyder, Melissa. The Structure of Diversity among Migrant Rights Organisations in Europe: Implications for Supranational Political Participation // Journal of Contemporary European Research (2016) nr. 4 (2016).
European umbrella organisations that promote migrant and refugee rights seek to influence EU policy-making in the context of Europe’s ‘migration and refugee crisis’. From a functional representation perspective, their legitimacy rests on being representative of large constituencies that actively participate in their work. Yet past research on national migrant rights organisations underscores that, due to their diversity, priorities within the movement are not uniform. Different scholars come to different conclusions regarding the cleavages that define the movement. Moreover, it remains unclear how these cleavages impact participation in European umbrella organisations. This paper investigates these questions by empirically examining the cleavages among the membership base of two EU umbrella organisations: the European Council on Refugees and Exiles and the European Network Against Racism. Data come from a content analysis of member organisations’ websites and interviews with directors of European umbrella organisations. (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals)
- Stockemer, Daniel. Structural Data on Immigration or Immigration Perceptions? What Accounts for the Electoral Success of the Radical Right in Europe? // Journal of Common Market Studies (2016) nr 4, lk. 999 – 1016.
Targeting immigrants as a threat to employment, security and cultural cohesion, the radical right has averaged 10 percent of the vote in elections. What drives this vote? Are voters affected by the numbers of foreign-born individuals in a geographical region, by negative perceptions about immigrants, or both? In this article, I entertain the possibility that it is not the number of foreigners but citizens’ perceptions about immigrants that explain individuals’ tendencies to vote for the radical right. To test this stipulation, I combine European Social Survey (ESS) data on individual perceptions of immigrants for more than 25,000 individuals with macro-level data on the actual percentage of foreign-born citizens across 200 European regions. Using a bivariate and multivariate framework, I highlight that it is only the individual perceptions of immigration indicator, and not the number of foreign-born citizens, that is positively related to higher support for radical right-wing parties. (Business Source Complete (EBSCO))
- Trauner, Florian. Asylum policy: the EU’s ‘crises’ and the looming policy regime failure // Journal of European Integration (2016) nr. 3.
What has been the impact of the European Union (EU)’s multifaceted crisis on asylum law and policy development? The article argues that the EU has sought to safeguard the core of its asylum policy by adding new layers of policy instruments in response to both the financial and economic crisis post-2008 and the refugee crisis starting in 2015. These instruments have had the overarching aim of providing EU member states facing high migratory pressures and/or financial constraints with additional support. Their efficiency, however, has remained questionable, reflected by a widening gap between the EU’s asylum laws and actual asylum practices of member states. By avoiding a paradigm shift in asylum policy, the EU has come to face a difficult situation: the implementation of the existing EU asylum rules may overburden southern member states while the perpetuated ignorance of these rules risks overburdening northern member states. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Zaun, Natascha. Why EU asylum standards exceed the lowest common denominator: the role of regulatory expertise in EU decision-making // Journal of European Public Policy (2016) nr.1, lk. 136 – 154.
While scholars traditionally expected EU policy-making in the area of asylum to produce lowest common denominator standards, recent studies on the first phase of the Common European Asylum System have observed higher asylum standards in some instances. This article aims at explaining this divergence. Drawing on concepts of regulatory expertise and ‘misfit’, it argues that the observed variation in policy output can be explained by the dominance of a few (Northern) member states which were highly successful in inserting their positions in the core EU directives. Government effectiveness and exposure to the phenomenon entailing regulatory expertise provide a powerful explanation for member states being effective policy-shapers. Characterized by low levels of government effectiveness and exposure in the asylum area, Southern European countries were, on the contrary, rather passive during the negotiations and barely left any mark on the EU directives. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Бибикова, О.П. = Bibikova O.P. Миграционный кризис 2015 г. в Европе и его последствия = The European migration crisis 2015 and its consequences // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 61- 82.
The author analyzes the reasons for the large-scale migration flow to Europe, where more than a million refugees from different countries have arrived in the continent, including the Muslim radicals, under the guise of “Syrian refugees”. (Paberväljaanne)
- Большова Н. Н. “Пегида” как пример массовых протестных движений, возникших в Европе под влиянием миграционного кризиса// ПОЛИС. Политические исследования (2016) nr. 3, lk. 123 – 137.
В статье проводится анализ движения “Пегида” – нового социально-политического феномена, возникшего в Германии. Экзогенными причинами его возникновения стали наплыв беженцев из стран Северной Африки и Ближнего Востока, а также угроза терроризма со стороны радикальных исламистов. Социальные сети, актуализировавшие страхи населения, выступили дополнительным усиливающим фактором. В качестве эндогенных причин послужили социальные и политические процессы в современном немецком обществе: рост экстремистских настроений и ксенофобии, сохранение социального и экономического неравенства между восточными и западными землями, непреодоленный до сих пор кризис идентичности в восточной Германии. “Пегида” бросила своего рода вызов немецкой общественно-политической системе и перспективам демократического развития, проблематичного в условиях нарастания экстремистских тенденций в обществе, входящих в конфликт с базовыми принципами плюрализма и равноправия всех граждан. Опыт Германии представляет особый исследовательский интерес, поскольку в Европе это не единственный случай протестного движения, инициированного и активизируемого миграционным кризисом. (Paberväljaanne)
- Долгов, Б. В. = Dolgov, B.V. Миграционный кризис в Европе и радикальный ислам = Migration crisis in Europe and radical islam // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 83-103.
The causes of the migrant crisis conditioned by the short-sighted policy of the European Union, which followed the USA geo-political interests as regards to the countries of the Arab Muslim world are examined in the article. (Paberväljaanne)
- Кондратьева, Т. С.= Kondratyeva, T. S. Великобританния: Референдум о выходе из ЕС и проблема иммиграции = The United Kingdom: Referendum on Brexit and the immigration problem // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 216-243.
The British approach to the migration crises impact on the relationship between Great Britain and the European Union is discussed also. (Paberväljaanne)
- Нарочницкая, Е.А.= Narochnitskaya E.A. Кризис “беженцев” и иммиграционный вопрос в Европе = “Refugee crisis” and the immigration question in Europe // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 20-37.
Most of the EU countries have been receiving large numbers of immigrants for several decades. According to official dogma, immigration is an essentially positive process which nevertheless requires efforts to manage its scale and patterns. As for European societies, they seem to have been deeply divided with regard to immigration policies. (Paberväljaanne)
- Новоженова, И.С. = Novozhenova, I.S. Миграционный кризис и положение беженцев во Франции = France: Crisis of migrants´integration policy // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 157-180.
Government policy on the refugees admission; French legislation related to refugees and asylumsekers; financing of the EU and French activities in response to the migration crisis are examined in this article. (Paberväljaanne)
- Погорельская, С.В. = Pogorelskaya, S.V. “Похищение Европы”: Германская политика в ходе преодоления Евросоюзом иммиграционного кризиса 2015 – начала 2016 г. = “Abduction of Europe”: German policy in the process of overcoming of the immigration crisis in the EU (2015 – beginning of 2016) // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 104-139.
The situation in German politics and society during the immigration crisis in the EU is considered in the context of German and EU measures to overcome it. (Paberväljaanne)
- Потемкина, О.Ю. = Potemkina, O. Yu. Миграционный кризис и политика Европейского союза = Migration crisis and the European Union policy // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 38-60.
The article is devoted to the EU policy on managing the migration crisis in 2015-2016.The author analyses political and legal instruments that have been proposed by the EU Commission as well as the causes of their failure. (Paberväljaanne)
- Примакова, Н. С. = Primakova, N.S. Италиа перед лицом миграционного кризиса: Методы урегулирования и последствия для итальянского общества = Italy in the face of migration crisis: Methods of settlement and the consequences for the Italian society // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 181-215.
This paper reviews the dynamics of the immigration flows in Italy in 2014-2015. The regulation of the migration crisis by the Italian government on the national and supranational levels is analyzed. (Paberväljaanne)
- Чернега, В.Н. = Chernega V.N. Франция: Кризис политики интеграции мигрантов = France: Crisi of migrants´integration policy // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 140-156.
The artcile considers French policy in the area of migration from the 20s of the last century to the present day. (Paberväljaanne)
- Baldi, Gregory ; Goodman, Sara Wallace. Migrants into members: social rights, civic requirements, and citizenship in Western Europe // West European Politics (2015) nr. 6, lk. 1152-1173. How do the states in Western Europe turn outsiders into insiders? This article examines that question by introducing a new qualitative framework that we term national membership conditionality structures (MCS). This framework includes not only status acquisition rules, such as those governing naturalisation and settlement, but also, crucially, civic integration requirements and social benefit eligibility standards. (Westlaw International; Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Betts, Alexander; Collier, Paul. Help Refugees Help Themselves. Let Displaced Syrians Join the Labor Market // Foreign Affairs (2015) nr. 6, lk. 84-92.
There are now some 60 million displaced people around the world, more than at any time since World War II. The Syrian crisis alone, which has created the largest refugee shock of the era, has displaced some ten million people, around four million of them across international borders. In recent months, Western attention has focused almost exclusively on the flood of these refugees to Europe. Yet most of the Syrian refugees have been taken in not by Western countries but by Syria’s neighboring states: Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, whose capacity has been overwhelmed. (Academic Search Complete (EBSCO); Business Source Complete (EBSCO); MasterFILE Premier (EBSCO); HeinOnline; JSTOR; ProQuest)
- Bogojevic, Sanja ; Groussot, Xavier ; Medzmariashvili, Megi. Adequate Legal Protection and Good Administration in EU Asylum Procedures: H.N. and Beyond // Common Market Law Review (2015) nr. 6, lk. 1635–1659.
- Claes H. Real world is not enough: the media as an additional source of negative attitudes toward immigration, comparing Denmark and the Netherlands // European Sociological Review (2015) nr. 3, lk. 268-283.
Most people are unable to accurately estimate the number of immigrants in their country. Nonetheless, it has been argued that the size of the immigrant population would affect people’s immigration attitudes. Part of the effect of immigration on attitudes occurs not so much because of real immigration figures, but rather because of media reporting about immigration. In this study, negative attitudes towards immigration are explained by investigating the impact of the salience and the tone of immigration topics in the news media vis-à-vis the impact of immigration statistics. The cases of Denmark and the Netherlands are analysed for a period from 2003 to 2010, using a multilevel design. (Oxford University Press Journals; JSTOR)
- Karreth, Johannes ; Singh, Shane P. ; Stojek, Szymon M. Explaining attitudes toward immigration: the role of regional context and individual predispositions // West European Politics (2015) nr. 6, lk. 1174-1202.
Existing research makes competing predictions and yields contradictory findings about the relationships between natives’ exposure to immigrants and their attitudes toward immigration. Engaging this disjuncture, this article argues that individual predispositions moderate the impact of exposure to immigrants on negative attitudes toward immigrants. Negative attitudes toward immigration are more likely among individuals who are most sensitive to such threats. Because country-level studies are generally unable to appropriately measure the immigration context in which individuals form their attitudes, this article uses a newly collected dataset on regional immigration patterns in Austria, Germany, and Switzerland to test the argument. The data show that increasing and visible diversity is associated with negative attitudes toward immigrants, but only among natives on the political right. This finding improves the understanding of attitudes toward immigrants and immigration and has implications for the study of attitudes toward other policies and for immigration policy itself. (Westlaw International; Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Menz, Georg. The promise of the principal-agent approach for studying EU migration policy: The case of external migration control // Comparative European Politics (2015) no. 3, lk. 307–324. The creation of European Union (EU) common asylum and migration policy has entailed involving governments from neighbouring countries in control and detention functions. Much of the existing literature treats this phenomenon as a mere extension of the more general embrace of communitization. Such transfer of sovereignty in a highly politicized policy domain is remarkable, yet, as is demonstrated, cannot be understood through the lens of the two major schools of European integration studies. This article adopts the prism of the principal-agent approach to study the implications and dynamics of the extension of immigration control policy beyond the geographical remit of Europe. (ProQuest)
- Ostrand, Nicole. The Syrian Refugee Crisis: A Comparison of Responses by Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States // Journal of Migration and Human Security (2015) nr. 3, lk. 255-279. This paper looks at the burdens and costs of the Syrian refugee crisis and considers how they have, or have not, been shared by the international community at large, and in particular by Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. It also considers to what degree Syrians have been able to find protection in states outside the region.
- Reslow, Natasja. An Incompetent Actor? Assessing EU External Migration Policy // European Foreign Affairs Review (2015) nr. 4, lk. 471–493.
2015 has seen thousands of migrants undertake desperate and risky journeys across the Mediterranean in order to try to reach Europe. Cooperation with non-EU countries has been emphasized in policy documents as an essential tool in managing these migration flows. However, this presupposes that the EU is able to act deliberately and purposively in international migration governance. Building on the literature on EU external relations, this article assesses the actorness of the EU in international migration governance in terms of authority, existence of policy instruments, policy determinacy, coordination mechanisms, rules of participation in international institutions, recognition by third countries, autonomy of the EU institutions, and cohesion. It concludes that legal competence is central to the ability of the EU to play a role in international migration governance.
- Valenta, Marko ; Zuparic-Iljic, Drago ; Vidovic, Tea. The Reluctant Asylum-Seekers: Migrants at the Southeastern Frontiers of the European Migration System // Refugee Survey Quarterly (2015) nr. 3, lk. 95-113.
Several Member States of the European Union in Southeastern Europe have experienced increased pressure on their asylum systems after they joined the Union. The latest member of the European Union, Croatia, has received lower numbers of asylum-seekers than most other countries in Southeastern Europe. This article explores migrants assessments of the benefits of arriving, staying, and leaving the country and indicates the push and pull factors that generate asylum migration through the region.
(Oxford University Press Journals)
- Veebel, Viljar ; Markus, Raul. Europe´s Refugee Crisis in 2015 and Security Threats from the Baltic Perspective // Journal of Politics and Law (2015) nr 4.
Recent developments in Europe starting with the Russia-Ukraine conflict and ending with the economic and political instability in Greece have given rise to instability in the European Union. Yet, none of the previous crises could be compared with the crisis concerning the current massive influx of refugees into the EU that challenges both solidarity and responsibility of the member states. In this context, it is extremely important to understand the actual security threats related to the refugee crisis, particularly for the Baltic countries that have linked their security with European Union and the NATO. Particularly in Estonia and in Latvia, the refugee crisis has been presented as a high security matter as possible rejection of the EU-migrant could lead to the country’s isolation from the international community, the loss of the NATO security network and its exposure to the security threats from Russia. Alternative decision to accept the refugee quotas could on the other hand create challenges for internal security in terms of legitimacy of national governments and public support to refugee policy. In the light of recent terrorist attacks in France these questions seem even growingly important. (HeinOnline; ProQuest)