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- Blockmans, Steven. The Eastern Partnership at 10: The road to hell is paved with good intentions // CEPS commentary (2019) 6. mai
- Bosse, Giselle. Ten years of the Eastern Partnership: What role for the EU as a promoter of democracy? // European View (2019), vol. 18, no. 2, pp. 220–232.
Since the launch of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) in 2009, the scope and content of democratic reforms has varied significantly across the six partner countries despite the EU’s increased interest in and commitment to differentiated bilateral relations. The quality of democracy in Ukraine continuously declined between 2010 and 2014, but has significantly improved since then. Armenia has long been considered a semi-autocratic state, but since its Velvet Revolution in 2018 the new government has embarked on promising democratic reforms. Moldova, a country once considered the front-runner of the EaP, has experienced democratic backsliding since 2014, while democratic reform progress in Georgia has slowed considerably. The autocratic regimes in Azerbaijan and Belarus have further consolidated their power, without showing signs of democratic change. The article outlines some of the key issues and developments pertaining to democratic reforms in each country and assesses the factors that explain the uneven progress in this area across the six EaP countries. (Sage)
- Cenusa, Denis. EU policy on strenghtening resilience in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia // CEPS paper in liberty and security in Europe (2019) no. 2.
The state capture and oligarchic control of political power and electoral processes in the associated countries of the Eastern Partnership – Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine – are acknowledged by EU institutions, civil society organisations and in public opinion. That inevitably puts pressure on the resilience of these three countries, in addition to Russia’s aggressive campaigns, carried out with or without the use of conventional weaponry. This policy brief looks at the EU’s actions to invest in and consolidate the rule of law, in the direction of stimulating internal resilience. It provides a range of arguments supporting the idea that the EU is not sufficiently tackling the oligarchic influences in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia. These are followed by timely recommendations for the EU institutions to remedy the situation.
- Crombois, Jean. The Eastern Partnership: Geopolitics and policy inertia // European View (2019) vol. 18, no. 1.
On the eve of its tenth anniversary, the EU’s Eastern Partnership seems to be drifting towards placing greater emphasis on differentiation and stabilisation than on reforms. This contrasts with the transformative ambitions displayed by the EU when it launched this new initiative in 2009. These ambitions have produced mixed results and were partly abandoned in the 2015 European Neighbourhood Policy Review. Since then, policy inertia seems to have prevailed. This exposes the EU to the risk that its relations with its eastern partners will become increasingly geopoliticised. This might lead the EU to lower its transformative ambitions even further. And this, in turn, could throw into question a fundamental aspect of its foreign policy identity, the EU’s role as a transformative power. In other words, such a development might not only weaken the EU’s role in its eastern neighbourhood but also undermine the added value of its foreign policy. (Sage)
- Neuman, Senka; Neuman, Marek. Reading the EU’s migration and security ‘crises’ through (South-)Eastern Europe // Journal of European Studies (2019) vol. 49, no. 3-4, pp. 374-393.
This article addresses contemporary thinking about EU crises from the locations of South-East and Eastern Europe. It asks how the European migration and security ‘crises’ have unfolded in institutional structures, political and public discourses, and people’s everyday experiences in South-Eastern and Eastern Europe. The analysis challenges the treatment of European crises as ontologically given, and calls for the adoption of critical conceptual and analytical approaches that study these crises outside European dis/order binarism. It exposes European crises as a privileged and conservative designation that normalizes European multiplicity within the teleology of a linear and spatially bound EU institutional order. (Sage)
- Putkaradze, Ramaz. Georgia in the European Union’s Eastern Partnership countries: historical aspects and challenges // Ecoforum (2019) vol. 8, no. 1.
The Eastern Partnership is a joint initiative involving the EU, its Member States and six Eastern European Partners. The Eastern Partnership aims at deepening and strengthening relations between the EU, its member states and six of its eastern neighbor countries. Georgia is actively involved in the projects of Eastern Partnership countries. The work reviews indicators and peculiarities of social economic development of Eastern Partner Countries. These countries are actively trying to facilitate further integration into the Global Economy. The presented work has studied a number of topical issues including socio-economic development of Eastern Partner Countries, Cross Domestic Product (GDP) of member countries, Cross Domestic Productper capita, foreign trade of member states and trade with EU. There is a conclusion, that Georgia can be one of the most successful and advanced countries among Eastern Partners. However, Cross Domestic Product per capita in Georgia is significantly lower than in other countries of European Union. A significant indicator is an unemployment rate, which is much higher in Georgia than in the European countries. Without improving these two indicators, it is impossible to get full access to the EU as well as obtain a priority in this direction.
- Redei, Lorinc ; Romanyshyn, Iulian. Non-Parliamentary Diplomacy: The European Parliament’s Diplomatic Mission to Ukraine // European Foreign Affairs Review (2019) vol. 24, no. 1, pp. 61–79
While today we associate Ukraine with conflict and occupation, the period preceding the Maidan protests saw the European Union use a peaceful but peculiar diplomatic instrument to pressure the country’s leaders: shuttle diplomacy by an informal group called the Cox-Kwasniewski mission. /../ This article argues that this instance of the European Parliament (EP) participating in EU foreign policy nevertheless cannot be called parliamentary diplomacy. In fact, its limited successes stemmed from the deliberately unparliamentary characteristics of the mission. It was not a complement to a higher-level, executive-to-executive diplomatic initiative. It lacked transparency and accountability. And it did not rely on parliamentary procedures – or even parliamentarians at all. Rather, it is an example of the EP engaging in non-parliamentary diplomacy – an aspect of its influence and participation in EU foreign policy that is likely to increase in the near future.
- Baltic Journal of European Studies (2018) vol. 8, no. 1 (24), whole issue focuses on Eastern Partnership, available in Digar.
- Batora, Jozef ; Rieker, Pernille. EU-supported reforms in the EU neighbourhood as organized anarchies: the case of post-Maidan Ukraine // Journal of European Integration (2018) vol 40, no. 4, pp. 461-478
How does the EU and its member states organize their support for reforms in the countries of the EU Neighbourhood? Building on organization theory research on reforms as sets of loosely coupled ‘garbage can’ processes, we conceptualize the ENP induced reform processes as an organized framework connecting the reform capacities of not only the EU institutions but also EU member-state governments. We apply this approach to Ukraine in the post-Maidan period. We focus on the interplay between EU-level reform capacities and the capacities of two member states highly active in Ukraine, namely Germany and Sweden. As this case illustrates, the current approach provides a complementary perspective to mainstream approaches to the study of the EU’s external governance as it offers partial explanations of how organizational processes may impact on the efficiency of reforms promoted by the EU and its member states in the neighbouring countries. (Taylor and Francis Online)
- Blockmans, Steven ; Hriptievschi, Nadejda ; Panasiuk, Viacheslav ; Zguladze, Ekaterine. Integrity on Trial: Judicial reform in Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova // CEPS Working Document (2018) no. 4
Under the terms of their Association Agreements with the EU, Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova are expected to strengthen the independence of the judiciary, establish zero tolerance of corruption in the legal profession, and reform legislation regarding prosecutors, judges and lawyers. By taking a differentiated approach to improving relations with its neighbouring countries, the EU is keen to identify and build upon existing positive sources of resilience, as well as to track and respond to vulnerabilities with the mix of instruments and budgets at its disposal. In the case of Georgia, this raises the question of whether the radical overhaul of the Saakashvili-era reforms can withstand the corrosion of corruptive practices by narrowminded political and economic operators. In Ukraine, the challenge is how to prolong and channel the positive reform dynamic to firmly anchor institutional and procedural change in the justice sector. In Moldova, the issue is rather to insulate the pockets of successful reform while supporting drivers of change in their fight against illiberal forces. (CEPS)
- Cadier, David. The Geopoliticisation of the EU’s Eastern Partnership // Geopolitics (2018) vol. 24, no. 1, pp. 71-99.
Since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis in 2014, the idea that the EU and Russia are engaged in a geopolitical contest over their common neighbourhood and that the Eastern Partnership (EaP) is Brussels’ instrument in this context appears ‘common sense’. Yet, the reality of the EaP as a policy programme hardly corresponds to such representation, whether in its original purpose, actual content or effects on the ground. To unpack this discrepancy, this article presents a genealogy of what is conceptualised here as the geopoliticisation of the EaP, a notion set forth to designate the discursive construction of an issue as a geopolitical problem. While Russia’s actions in Ukraine certainly contributed to deepen and reinforce this dynamic, the article shows that the geopoliticisation of the EaP was neither merely exogenous nor simply reactive. It was also carried forward from within the European policy community by a discourse coalition which, based on its own political subjectivities and policy agenda, came to frame the EaP as an endeavour aimed at ‘winning over’ countries of the Eastern neighbourhood and ‘rolling back’ Russia’s influence. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Casier, Tom. The different faces of power in European Union–Russia relations // Cooperation and Conflict (2018) vol. 53, no. 1, pp. 101–117.
This article applies Barnett and Duvall’s taxonomy of power to European Union (EU)–Russia relations aiming to understand power in its complexity and without a priori theoretical assumptions. Four different types of power – compulsory, institutional, structural and productive – feature simultaneously. It is argued that non-compulsory forms of power are key to understanding the logic of competition in EU–Russia relations in the decade preceding the 2014 Ukraine crisis, despite receiving limited scholarly attention. First, a struggle over institutional power, the capacity to control the conditions of the other actor indirectly, appeared from rivalling integration projects and competing norm diffusion. Secondly, power relations were strongly characterised by constitutive forms of power – structural and productive – in particular the capacity to produce and recognise identities, such as Europeanness. In both fields, the EU held a hegemonic position, which Russia increasingly challenged. The geopolitical reading of the change in regime in Ukraine in 2014 prompted Moscow to a radical change of strategy, by shifting the emphasis in the confrontation to compulsory power. Attempts at direct control, from annexation to sanctions, now dominate relations. Where Russia seeks to prevent the Euro-Atlantic community from gaining effective control over Ukraine through destabilisation, this can be labelled ‘negative’ compulsory power. (SAGE Journals)
- Emerson, Michael ; Noutcheva, Gergana. Political and Economic Governance in the Balkans and Eastern Europe Compared // CEPS Working Document (2018) no. 6
This paper seeks to compare the quality of governance of the non-EU member states of the Western Balkans and certain states of Eastern Europe, namely Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, which share Association Agreements with the EU. Both groups of states aspire to full membership of the EU. While the EU differentiates between the two groups, acknowledging the ‘European perspectives’ (i.e. future EU membership) of the former but not of the latter, the commitments to achieve EU political and economic standards and to adopt or approximate to EU law and policies made by both groups are similar. This makes comparisons between the two groups both feasible and politically significant. … (CEPS)
- European Foreign Affairs Review (2018) vol. 23, special issue, whole issue focuses on Eastern Partnership, available in Kluwer Online’s.
- Gesa Kübek. The Non-Ratification Scenario: Legal and Practical Responses to Mixed Treaty Rejection by Member // European Foreign Affairs Review (2018) vol. 23, no. 1, pp. 21–40.
The near-death of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement and Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) painfully illustrated that the conclusion mixed agreements, i.e. agreements that list the EU, its Member States and a third party as contractors, may be derailed by a negative vote of (sub-)national decision-makers. Such a non-ratification entails a problematic conundrum: Despite the requirement for national ratification under international law, a Member State violates the EU’s legal principles of conferral and loyal cooperation when vetoing a mixed treaty in its entirety. The present article argues that the Member States are not competent to reject the EU exclusive parts of a mixed treaty in their own right. It suggests that the EU’s and the Member States’ legal authority to ratify mixed agreements is contingent on who owns and who exercises treaty-making power for substantive components and outlines several practical ways to align national (non-)ratification with the EU’s law on competences and procedure.
- Harpaz, Guy. The European Union’s Conflict-Resolution Policy in Georgia: The Way Forward // European Foreign Affairs Review (2018) vol. 23, no. 2, pp. 243-263.
The efforts invested by the EU to assist the resolution of the disputes over the breakaway republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia are long-standing and multifaceted. Yet, a dissonance exists between the EU’s strong interest in the resolution of these conflicts, its firm commitment and its long-standing engagement to promoting such resolution, and its actual, ineffective contribution to achieving that goal. Drawing on scholarship that analyses the factors that erode the effectiveness of the EU’s contribution to conflict resolution in Georgia, this article seeks to identify and analyse various strategies and considerations that could render the EU’s conflict resolution efforts more effective. These strategies and considerations will be classified into those pertaining to Georgia’s political establishment, Georgia’s civil society, Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and Russia, and will be linked to two broader themes, namely EU enlargement and the EU’s commitment to strict observance of international law. The analysis conducted in this article including its conclusions relies upon literature on comparative conflict resolution.
- Ikani, Nikki. Change and Continuity in the European Neighbourhood Policy: The Ukraine Crisis as a Critical Juncture // Geopolitics (2018)
The Ukraine crisis presented a severe geopolitical challenge to European Union (EU) policies in the neighbourhood. This is because during the course of the crisis, Russia openly challenged the EU’s economic and political integration initiatives in the region using economic, informational and eventually military means. As such, the crisis and its escalation has had ramifications across the EU in the fields of security, trade, energy security and regional cooperation. In the wake of the crisis, a clear rhetorical break with previous EU policy was announced by various key actors to respond to these challenges. Yet both the rhetoric and declared ambition for reform in response to the events is not matched by a major revision of actual policy objectives or policy tools. The question at the core of this article is how to explain the changes made to the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) following the Ukraine crisis. In order to provide an answer this article will build on historical institutionalism, exploring how two key historical institutionalist insights improve our understanding of the policy changes made to the ENP after the Ukraine crisis: (i) the institutional ‘effects’ and plasticity of the ENP institutions and (ii) temporal contingency. In doing so, this article takes issue with two tendencies in the current literature on policy change in the ENP. First, the lack of analytical engagement with the very notion of policy change, which throughout the literature is rarely defined or conceptualized. Second, the prevailing assumption that one should not be surprised that in the case of ENP reform after the Ukraine crisis there has been little change, due to the prevalence of policy inertia. It is argued that this oversimplifies both policy continuity and policy change. By paying particular attention to the decision-making process preceding change, this article thus aims to shed new light on the issue of EU foreign policy change. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
- Makarychev, Andrey. Incomplete Hegemonies, Hybrid Neighbours: Identity games and policy tools in Eastern Partnership countries // CEPS Working document (2018) no. 2
This paper applies the concepts of hegemony and hybridity as analytical tools to help understand the structural changes taking place within the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries and beyond. The author points to the split identities of many post-Soviet societies and the growing appeal of solutions aimed at balancing Russia’s or the EU’s dominance as important factors shaping EaP dynamics. Against this background, he explores how the post-Soviet borderlands can find their place in a still hypothetical pan-European space, and free themselves from the tensions of their competing hegemons. The EaP is divided into those countries that signed Association Agreements with the EU and those preferring to maintain their loyalty to Eurasian integration. Bringing the two groups closer together, however, is not beyond policy imagination. (CEPS)
- Panchuk, Dmytro ; Bossuyt, Fabienne. The EU Twinning Instrument in Ukraine: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats // CEPS Policy Brief (2018) no. 2
With the aid of a SWOT analysis (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats), this paper evaluates the implementation of the EU’s Twinning instrument in Ukraine since 2007.The authors draw upon 50 interviews they conducted with Twinning stakeholders from the EU, EU member states, Ukraine and other EaP countries. They argue that the Twinning instrument in Ukraine, while offering distinct strengths and opportunities, has punched below its weight due to systemic weaknesses in its internal set-up and a number of threats emanating from the domestic situation in Ukraine and the EU itself. The authors offer policy recommendations aimed at improving the effectiveness of the instrument in Ukraine and the greater EaP region through enhanced flexibility, more targeted interventions, stronger individual and sectoral incentives and greater visibility. They also review the European Commission’s new Twinning guidelines, which came into effect in July 2017, and reflect on how they address the issues raised in the analysis. (CEPS)
- Shyrokykh, Karina. Policy-specific effects of transgovernmental cooperation: a statistical assessment across the EU’s post-Soviet neighbours // Journal of European Public Policy (2019) vol. 26, no. 1, pp. 149-168.
Can transgovernmental networks facilitate democratization in third countries? If so, to what extent and under what conditions can they impact states’ behaviour? Earlier works demonstrate that transgovernmental professional networks set by the European Union can shape attitudes of officials towards democracy in third countries. However, it remains unclear whether they change their behaviour, too; nor do we have an understanding of how long these changes last. Using the time-series cross-sectional analysis and focusing on two policy fields, human rights and public administration in the former Soviet republics, this article demonstrates that transgovernmental networks can stimulate improvements in domestic practices in third countries. At the same time, the results hint that their effects are policy-specific and rather short-lived. (Taylor & Francis Online)
- Volintiru, Clara ; Volintiru, Mihai; Mușetescu, Radu. Promoting Ethical Behaviour in the Eastern Partnership Countries // EUROPOLITY, vol. 12, no. 2, pp. 151-178.
The Eastern Partnership region is currently going through a process of institutional formation and consolidation in which promoting public ethics can play a major role in the legitimacy of its administration and attracting foreign investors. Through various datasets, we explore here the level of corruption in the region, as well as the measures that could be employed to counter it. The first section aims at assembling the conceptual references of corruption. Secondly, the analysis turns to the manifestation forms and the assessment of the extent of the phenomenon. Finally, this paper looks at the potential remedies. In this section, EUROPOLITY, vol. 12, no. 2, 2018 152 Continuity and Change in European Governance the paper also deals with some of the anti-corruption approaches, as we assess preventive and corrective measures, and discuss the potential contribution of adopting international benchmarks of ethical behaviour in the public sector, such as the ISO 37001 Anti-bribery Management Systems. (DOAJ)
- Jitaru, Loredana. The Implications of the Civil Society in the Eastern Partnership // CES Working Papers (2017) vol. 19, no. 1, pp. 10-27.
The Eastern Partnership (EaP) launched in 2009 as the Eastern dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy introduced the civil society as a new strategic actor in the EU’s relations with Eastern Partnership countries. The civil society‟s role is to participate in policy making, to suggest new initiatives and to promote shared values of partnership, such as: democracy, promoting better governance, state law, sustainable development, respect for human rights and for the fundamental freedoms. The paper is divided into two parts. In the first part, we analyse the role of the civil society in the EaP and we ask whether the increasing role of the civil society in the EaP will lead to the success of this project. In the second part, we analyse the perceptions and the attitudes of civil society towards European integration. (ProQuest)
- Konończuk, Wojciech ; Cenusa, Denis ; Kakachia, Kornely. Oligarchs in Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia as key obstacles to reforms // 3 DCFTAs. Understanding the EU’s Association Agreements and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas with Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia (2017) 24 May
The paper reviews the role of oligarchs in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. Oligarchy can be briefly defined as a system of governance in which a small and informal group of people, using their vast economic and financial resources, is able to control a state or exert a major or dominant influence on its policy. The portfolios of economic assets of the major oligarchs of the three countries is described in some detail. The nature of their influence on policy making is further analysed, in particular the disadvantages for the governance of these countries. While these impacts differ in their detail by country, in general terms they tend towards limiting political pluralism, capturing state institutions, corruption, monopolisation, and more broadly the blocking of reform processes. Oligarchs are symptoms rather than causes of weak political institutions. The remedies correspondingly need a wide reach, including institutional capacity building, effective anti-corruption bodies, suitable public funding for political parties, effective competition policy, independence of the judiciary and of the media, supported by many features of the Association Agreements and DCFTAs with the EU. Modern economies will always need major business leaders and enterprises. The challenge is precisely to bring the oligarchs into becoming normal business leaders.
- Kostanyan, Hrant. Assessing European Neighbourhood Policy : perspectives from literature // Centre for European Policy Studies (2017) (CEPS)
- Kostanyan, Hrant. The Fifth Eastern Partnership Summit: Between hyperbole and understatement // CEPS commentary (2017) 8 November (CEPS)
- Nodia, Ghia. Democracy and its Deficits: The path towards becoming European-style democracies in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine // CEPS Working Document (2017) no. 12
Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine are three participating states of the European Partnership that have chosento conclude Association Agreements with the European Union, often at the expense of relations with theirmost powerful neighbour, Russia. They are also rather similar in their levels of democratic development.Within a post-Soviet space, they stand out for their relatively high level of democratic freedoms and politicalpluralism; none of them, however, can be considered a consolidated democracy, and most analysts describethem as uncertain or hybrid political regimes that combine features of autocracy and democracy. (CEPS)
- O´Hanlon, Michael. NATO’s Limits: A New Security Architecture for Eastern Europe // Survival : Global Politics and Strategy (2017) vol. 59, no. 5, pp. 7-24.
- Okhrimenko, Oksana ; Okhrimenko, Alexander. Will the Eastern Partnership become a driver for agriculture? // CES Working Papers (2017) vol. 19, no. 1, pp. 39-57.
This article is devoted to the impact of the Eastern Partnership on agricultural production of the member states. ENPARD basic parameters are examined. The residís of agricultural development of the states participating in ENPARD and states preparing to join the project was monitored. The Eastern partnership is based on a deep and comprehensive free trade area (DCFTA), economic integration and convergence with EU policies, energy security, human contacts etc. The absolute and relative indicators of agricultural development of the Eastern Partnership countries are analysed. The general and individual problems of the countries are studied. The analysis showed an unequal economic potential for agricultural development. It was noted that the strategic partnership involves interstate cooperation to achieve mutually beneficial internal and external goals. (ProQuest)
- Patalakh, Artem. EU Soft Power in the Eastern Neighbourhood and the Western Balkans in the Context of Crises // Baltic Journal of European Studies (2017), vol 7, no. 2 (23), pp. 148-167.
The article aims to assess a change in the EU’s soft power in the Western Balkan and Eastern Partnership states in the light of the crises the bloc has undergone in recent years. Generally agreeing with the common argument that the EU’s attractiveness for those countries has decreased, the author challenges the popular wisdom that such a decrease is likely to reverse those states’ pro-EU foreign policy orientations. To prove it, the author applies Joseph Nye’s and Alexander Vuving’s “power currencies” approach to operationalize soft power, considering the bloc’s attraction as a combination of “brilliance” (the actor’s relationship with its work), “benignity” (the actor’s relationship with other actors) and “beauty” (the actor’s relationship with values and ideas). Elaborating on the crises’ influence on each of these currencies, the author shows that their lessening, first, has mainly taken place in absolute rather than relative terms, so the EU’s attractiveness remains strong compared to that of its competitors, and second, it has primarily affected the bloc’s soft power potential rather than its actual behavior towards the target countries. (DOAJ)
- Raiciu, Ioana. Summing up the Eastern Partnership // Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai. Studia Europaea (2017) vol. 62, no. 1, pp. 89-104.
The paper offers an overview of the evolution of the Eastern‐Partnership, viewed from the main conclusions of each Summit dedicated to the EaP. I tried to analyse separately each summit, and the evolution of political discourse is significant. If in 2009 they spoke in Prague about an ambitious project, which encouraged good governance and development of new economic partnerships, the last summit at Riga in 2015, drew a real alarm on the worrying developments around Romania. The Eastern Partnership was intended to provide within the EU a tangible support and comprehensive democratic transformation, and an oriented market. (ProQuest)
- Zajaczkowski, Małgorzata. Regional cooperation within the Eastern Partnership // European Integration Studies 11/2017.
The aim of the paper is to present and analyze the problem of cooperation between the Eastern partners of the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). The problem is that current regional cooperation is insufficient and superficial what makes common arrangements impossible to attain. It resulted from weak economic relations and low level of interdependence among the Eastern partners. Moreover the biggest obstacles are looming interstate or local political or military conflicts in the Eastern Europe and Southern Caucasus which have been dominating political and economic scenes of that regions since the changes of the 1990. The paper’s aim is to examine difficulties that prevent the countries from engaging in wider economic cooperation and find areas for development of new regional initiatives. Major question is whether the ENP has contributed to enhancing of cooperation among the Eastern partners? The answer is twofold. On the one hand the EU’s initiative has brought about to establishing institutional and financial framework for developing regional initiatives and on the other, the lack of stable economic and political relations and unresolved conflicts have prevent the Eastern neighbors from engaging in genuine cooperation. (EBSCOhost)
- Thoburn, Hannah. Policy Brief: Border Security in Eastern Europe: Lessons for NATO and Partners // The German Marshall Fund of the United States. Europe Program (2017) no. 046
The geopolitical dynamics in Europe are changing. Countries such as Georgia, Ukraine, and Moldova have undergone significant transformation processes since the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, history’s aftermath continues to influence these states. The relatively young borders in Eastern Europe have been the stage of protracted conflicts. An often insufficient border control causes an influx in corruption, human and substances trafficking, as well as mistrust toward established democratic institutions.
- Alexandrova-Arbatova, Nadia. Geopolitical challenges for the post-bipolar Europe // Eastern Journal of European Studies (2016), vol. 7, no.2, pp. 31-46.
In the context of the crisis in Ukraine and over Ukraine that has brought the Russia-West relations to a breaking point for the first time since the end of the East-West confrontation, it comes as no surprise that people are now asking themselves if we are heading towards a new Cold War. The Ukrainian crisis is viewed as the first direct conflict between differing regional strategies of Russia and the EU – Brussels’ Eastern partnership and Moscow’s Eurasia Union concept. Ukraine has been central to both strategies, and “the either/or” choice presented to Kiev ultimately made a conflict inevitable. However, the reason for this confrontation goes much deeper than the clash of two opposing regional strategies and is rooted heavily in the 1990s. Therefore, the Ukrainian conflict should be viewed as the quintessence of the mutual disappointment of Russia and the West, resulted from their mistakes after the end of bipolarity.
- Cucerescu, Vasile. EU cross-border Cooperation in Eastern Europe // Eurolimes (2016) vol. 21, pp. 109-127.
The paper presents research results of the EU’s cross-border cooperation initiatives in the Eastern Europe, especially in the countries of Eastern Partnership. Considering the implementation history of cross-border cooperation projects, the European Union initiated, developed and follows up the policy of dialogue with its Eastern European neighbours in a short and long run. The focus strives at presenting the framework of cross-border cooperation of the European Union in the Eastern Europe, especially with the Eastern Partnership countries; the initiatives and good practices in the field. The results of EU cross-border cooperation in the Eastern Europe display differentiation of collaboration and development in peculiar aspects of common interest for participating countries. (ProQuest)
- Falkowski, Krysztof ; Stryjek, Joanna. European Neighbourhood Policy and FDI: Eastern dimension // EURINT (2016) no. 3, pp. 188-209.
The paper (1) analyses the volume, dynamics and structure of inward FDI flows to six transition economies in Eastern Europe, covered by the Eastern Partnership initiative under the EU’s European Neighbourhood Policy (i.e., Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine), and (2) explores the potential role played in these flows by factors related to the advancement of the countries’ transition process. The results of the study indicate that inward FDI flows varied greatly across the countries in question over the period 2004-2014, and depended mostly on (1) the countries’ progress in introducing market reforms, (2) their stability and the democratization of the political systems (having regard also to the geopolitical situation, both internal and external), and (3) general conditions for doing business in them.
- Gorgos, Elena-Alexandra ; Vatamanescu, Elena- Madalina ; Andrei, Andreia Gabriela. Europeanization through students’ lens: EU versus EaP citizens. Is there a collective identity? // Eastern Journal of European Studies (2016) vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 185-206.
The process of Europeanization has been intensively discussed and participation in debates has been vigorously tested by the academic world, mostly concerned with examining political personalities. This process is often seen through a political and economic view, ignoring the spiritual part pointing to a collective identity rationale. Hereby, our interest consists of finding how this concept is perceived through students’ lens. We aim at investigating students’ opinions, revealing young citizens’ points of view. The conducted research is qualitative, consisting of in-depth interviews, for discovering participants’ standpoints and attitudes towards admitting European bonds and becoming Europeans not just as frame, but in a substantial way, from the perspective of belongingness to a European Union (EU) member state or to an Eastern Partnership (EaP) member state. As the findings show, the bond with the European Union is seen through a political and cultural approach. Students’ understanding of the Europeanization process is varied, and so are their endeavours of spreading the importance to adhere to the European Union and to share the European spirit among students belonging to EaP states.
- Grigoryan, Ani. Armenia and EU: Security agenda as a fresh start for engagement // CES Working Papers (2016) vo. 8, no. 4, pp. 648-665.
EU Eastern Partnership has gone through a number of difficulties and impediments since its establishment. In the case of Georgia and Moldova we have observed some progress, however in all other cases there is a certain setback. The political spectrum of Armenia was narrowed after September 3, 2013. In mid-January 2016 president Sargsyan held a meeting with EU ambassador in Armenia where he particularly mentioned that EU engagement is a top priority for Armenia (Armenpress, 2016) thus demonstrating that attitudes by both sides towards further engagement have undergone transformations. In the context of current geopolitical developments, the security sector could serve as a platform for Armenia and EU to foster collaboration. Thus, the main goal of the research paper is to seek avenues for approximation in the area of security and hence provide both parties with a deeper understanding of mutual objectives and visions. (ProQuest)
- Grigoryan, Armen. The attitudes towards European integration in Eastern Partnership states: the significance of elites’ commitment for further engagement // EURINT (2016) no. 3, pp. 131-148.
The paper examines how the cooperation with the EU has been influencing public sector, legal and economic reforms in EU’s Eastern neighbourhood by means of engaging the local political elites. The developments in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, as well as the situation in Armenia, regarding the perspective for its further participation in the Eastern Partnership (EaP), are reviewed. In order to determine under which conditions the EU can have more influence over the political elites, the paper examines how the degree of commitment to the European norms and, consequently, the pace of reforms, depend on internal political situation and foreign policy priorities, on historical and cultural legacies, or the level of dependence on Russia.
- Lobanov, Nikita. European Union strategic narrative towards the Eastern Partnership countries and the Russian Federation’s escalation: stop, slow or go? // EURINT (2016) no. 3, pp. 9-26.
The narrative dimension of the EaP programme was considered by the European policy makers of secondary relevance as it was focused on the bureaucratic aspects of the economic and judicial convergence of the target countries with the European Union through “regulation setting”. The importance of these aspects has clearly increased after the Russian Federation used hybrid war tactics in Ukraine since 2013 based on a fabricated Strategic Narrative that relied on the “Reflexive Control” and “Informational Warfare” principles to a great effect. The growingly opposing information spheres, the Russian and the European, have an enormous importance for the political discourse in the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries. By drawing on a closer examination of a number of primary and secondary sources – including important events, official texts, and excerpts from interviews – this paper aims at comprehending the formation, projection and reception in the EaP states of the Strategic Narratives of the Russian Federation and the European Union since 2013.
- Longhurst, Kerry. Implementing the DCFTA in the context of state capture: assessing the position of Small and Medium Enterprises // Eastern Journal of European Studies (2016) vol.7, no. 2, pp. 145-164.
The implementation of the DCFTA in the Republic of Moldova is an ongoing process, its ultimate objective being the modernisation of the Moldovan economy, broad prosperity and the creation of an open society. By using conditionality, the EU is banking on public and private actors aligning to European norms and practices. This article focuses on the position of SMEs and their interactions with the DCFTA. The overall argument posited is that the condition of ‘state capture’, twinned with a disadvantageous business climate serve as structural impediments to the full implementation of the DCFTA and to the capacity of the SME sector to benefit.
- Mendelski, Martin. The EU’s rule of law promotion in post-Soviet Europe: what explains the divergence between Baltic States and EaP countries? // Eastern Journal of European Studies (2016), vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 111-144.
The European Union (EU) and domestic “change agents” have promoted the rule of law in post-Soviet Europe with varying results. While the Baltic States (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania) succeeded in establishing the rule of law, Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries (Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia) did not. Why did EU-driven legal, judicial and anti-corruption reforms not produce the rule of law in the latter group? I argue that divided elites (reformers) in laggard EaP countries engage in detrimental political competition that creates incentives to misuse the law, the prosecution and judicial structures as “political weapons”. The result of this power struggle is an erratic reform process which produces reform pathologies of Europeanization (e.g. legal instability and incoherence, reinforced fragmentation and politicization) that undermine the rule of law. Instead of serving as an external check on rule-of-law abusing reformers, the EU empowers reformist but unaccountable “change agents” in a partisan way, thus creating incentives for the accumulation and abuse of power, especially after regime changes. Reformers in the advanced Baltic States have avoided detrimental political competition, the fragmentation of the state and many reform pitfalls through de facto exclusion of ethnic Russians from the political and judicial system. This policy of partial exclusion allowed elites in Estonia and Latvia to build consensus, to create a unitary state, including strong, unified and independent horizontal accountability structures (e.g. judiciary, Ombudsman, Constitutional Court etc.) which in turn were able to check the executive. The argument is supported by an empirical, indicator-based analysis of the rule of law and several interviews with representatives in Brussels, Strasbourg and Chisinau.
- Morari, Cristina. EU role in the Republic of Moldova European integration within Eastern Partnership // CES Working Papers (2016) vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 410-425.
The article presents an analysis of the role of European Union in the European integration process of the Republic of Moldova in the context of Eastern Partnership and it was supported by a Marie Curie International Research Staff Exchange Scheme Fellowship within the 7th European Community Framework Programme. The European integration of the Republic of Moldova is a complex process that implies external and internal efforts, but internal transformations generated by this process are determined primarily by the EU initiatives. This fact is based on both, the necessity of the Republic to correspond to European norms and the EU interest to have reliable and stable partners from economic and political point of view. The Association Agreement, DCFTA, visa liberalization are main bonuses that Moldova has received from EU within Eastern Partnership. At current stage, EU continues to play an important role in domestic transformation and stabilization of the country, by providing assistance and consultation. The interdisciplinary approach and methods as analysis of official documents, comparison and observation gave the possibility to estimate the level and results of how EU establishes and influences both, the agenda of European integration and domestic transformations of the Republic of Moldova. (ProQuest)
- Naumescu, Valentin. The “New Eastern Europe”: Between the Deepening Crisis of the European Union and the Growing Tensions with Russia // Romanian Journal of Society and Politics (2016) vol. 11, no. 2, pp. 75-91.
The concept of “Eastern Europe” was always ideologically, politically, strategically or even culturally defined, while pure geography was down on the list of criteria. We therefore consider Eastern Europe a geopolitical idea on a dynamic mental map rather than a geographic reality. In the past three decades, Eastern Europe had at least three meanings, from the former “socialist bloc”, then “East Central European post-communist countries”, to the present member states of the “EU’s Eastern Neighbourhood” or Eastern Partnership (EaP). None of the countries of the pre-1989 Eastern Europe is still in this category, all being “transferred” to Central Europe, while the “new Eastern Europe” currently consists of six post-Soviet republics, from Belarus in the north to Azerbaijan in the south. This paper analyses the geopolitical context of the new Eastern Europe after the launch of the EaP, focusing on Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova, caught between the crisis of the EU, their own vulnerabilities and a more threatening Russian Federation.
- Petriashvili, Sophia. The influence of the refugee crisis on the EU’s perspective of Eastern Partnership // CES Working Papers (2016) vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 426-442.
Given paper represents analytical overview unpacking the relationship between the refugee crisis and the EU’s perspective towards the Eastern Partnership countries. It reviews the journey of the creation and development of the EaP policy by paying a special attention to the changes reflected in the Joint Declaration of the Riga Summit participants. The paper also analyses the revision in the EU’s Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) as well as tries to explore the intra-Union dynamics happening as a result of the huge influx of the refugees to Europe. Special attention is also paid to Russia’s possible influence on the refugee crisis (considering its engagement in the Syria crisis and Assad’s backing) on the one hand and EU’s position vis a vis the EaP countries on the other. A key trend is identified that within the current challenging context the EU is less proactive and more cautious when it comes to its partnership with the EaP countries. (ProQuest)
- Pop, Adrian. From cooperation to confrontation: the impact of bilateral perceptions and interactions on the EU-Russia relations in the context of shared neighbourhood // Eastern Journal of European Studies (2016) vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 47-70.
Relying on the regional security complex theory and statements made by top Russian and EU officials and key decision-makers from the new EU Member States bordering Russia to the East, the article advances three main conclusions. First, that Russia’s negative perceptions of the EU’s Eastern Partnership initiative explains to a large extent the change of its EU’s perception from a strategic ally to a competitor for influence in the shared neighbourhood and the speeding up of the Russian-led Eurasian integration project. Second, that faced with Russia’s increasing bullying behaviour in its Eastern neighbourhood in general and Ukraine in particular, the EU has been pushed into a confrontational mode with Russia. Third, that being at the forefront of condemning Russia’s aggressive behaviour in Ukraine, the new EU Member States along the Baltic-Black Sea limes have created a new regional security subcomplex within the EU-Europe regional security complex.
- Popescu, Ada-Iuliana. Political process drivers of corruption in Eastern Europe // CES Working Papers (2016) vol. 8, no. 4, pp. 705-715.
Corruption stands as one of the many obstacles to the political and economic security of the Eastern European region. Thus, despite the political and economic instability in the region, Eastern European countries, in and outside of the European Union need to fight corruption collectively and individually. The task is difficult, but hope is justified because the causes of corruption in this part of the region are similar and anti-corruption expertise is available. We believe that a deeper analysis of corruption ‘s drivers can produce a better articulated and more efficient anti-corruption strategy. This strategy will create an anti-corruption infrastructure that will strengthen the Eastern European Partnership. As a prelude to the deeper analysis that we believe must be a part of this strategy, this paper identifies the main drivers of corruption in the Eastern European Partnership countries and explains why addressing these drivers will strengthen the Eastern European Partnership. (ProQuest)
- Sandu, Ioana ; Dragan, Gabriela. Financing the EU Neighbourhood – key facts and figures for the Eastern Partnership // CES Working Papers (2016) vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 464-472.
The EU is permanently trying to secure its proximity by creating a “ring of friends” in the neighbourhood. Thus, stabilization through economic integration and modernization have been the purpose of the European Neighbourhood Policy (the ENP) since its creation, in 2004. Successive reviews of the ENP in the past decade have aimed to customize support to different needs of the partners. Funding has been allocated according to the level of commitment to reform of the EU neighbours. The six small states of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) have benefitted not only from common ENP provisions, but also from specific instruments dedicated to their particular situation. Bilateral and multi-country programmes included in the European Neighbourhood Instrument (ENI), but also instruments from other EU policies and support from the International Financial Institutions (IFI) have helped the EaP members to achieve progress in EU approximation.
- Sharipov, Ilkhom. Economic growth in the EU’s EaP countries: determinants and prospects // EURINT (2016) no. 3, pp. 169-187.
Economic growth is one of the main targets of economic policy of any country around the world. By strengthening the process of economic development, we can bring the state on the path of sustainable growth and ensure stability and security in it. Economic growth is influenced by various determinants. Of particular interest is the endogenous and exogenous nature of these factors. The main purpose of this paper is to determine the endogenous and exogenous factors that affected economic growth in the EU’s Eastern Partnership countries in the 2000-2015 period. We examined and determined the significance and robustness of various endogenous and exogenous factors influencing the economic growth in these countries, like investment, human capital, research and development, economic policies and macroeconomic conditions, openness to trade, geography, political factors and others. Based on the results of research, we outlined the prospects of economic growth in the countries investigated. To address the research questions and objectives this study was based on quantitative and qualitative research methods, using SPSS software.
- Zheltovskyy, Vadym. The Eastern Partnership and its impact on self-governing reform in Ukraine // CES Working Papers (2016) vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 550-571.
Article poses a question on the effectiveness of the European policy for Eastern Partnership in Ukraine under current circumstances of political and military crisis. Particularly, the role of Poland as a key country for the success of given policy in Ukraine is taken into consideration with the emphasis on Polish-Ukrainian cooperation on the issue of self-governance reform in Ukraine. The aim of the article is threefold. First, to analyse the main trends of EU-Ukraine cooperation in terms of the EaP policy. Second, to present author’s research on the role of different political and social actors from Poland and Ukraine (local authorities, non-governmental organizations, Academia) in implementation of European experience on self-governance reform and decentralization processes on Ukrainian ground. Finally, the article makes an attempt to evaluate the EU strategy in regard to Ukraine and present possible ways for further cooperation as regards the reform of self-governance in Ukraine. (ProQuest)
- Terxyan, Aram. The evolution of the European Union’s conception in the foreign policy discourse of Armenia: implications for U-turn and the path beyond the Association Agreement // Eastern Journal of European Studies (2016) vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 165-184.
The question of why Armenia abruptly shifted from the Association Agreement (AA) with the European Union (EU) to the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EEA) has produced perplexing conclusions. Drawing on discourse analysis and semi-structured interviews, this study seeks to explain the evolution of the EU’s conception in foreign policy discourse of Armenia, delving into its implications for U-turn and the prospects of EU-Armenia further partnership. Departing from mainstream explanations, it argues that Armenia’s U-turn was preceded by marked disillusionment with the ‘expectation – capability’ gaps attributed to the Eastern Partnership (EaP). This has significantly influenced the EU’s conception in Armenia’s official discourse, shifting it from the notions of ‘normative’, ‘liberal’ and ‘status quo challenging’ power to ‘pragmatic’ actor and ‘political dwarf’. The paper concludes that a major breakthrough in bilateral ‘edited’ partnership cannot be expected anytime soon due to Armenia’s large – scale Eurasian integration and lower security expectations from the EU.
- Valiyeva, Kamala. The EU’s Eastern Partnership: Normative or Geopolitical Power Projection? // Eastern Journal of European Studies (2016) vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 11-29.
This paper examines the European Union’s Eastern Partnership (EaP) initiative through the lens of theoretical debate between constructivist and rationalist approaches with a specific focus on the normative and geopolitical dimensions of the EU’s power projection in a specific region. In doing so the paper aims to determine whether the initiative is a pursuit of the EU’s interests in the post-Soviet area and an attempt to weaken Russia’s traditional great power potential in the region or a policy to enhance regional stability through the promotion of fundamental European values which serves as a framework for democratic institution-building in partner countries. This paper argues that the EU’s ambivalent actorness in this particular post-Soviet region, which is shaped both by value considerations and self-interest concerns, while lacking a strategic coherence, constitutes a fundamental reason behind a policy failure.
- Ciolan, Ionela Maria. Security in Central Eastern Europe: Eastern Partneship Looking Towards Riga Summit // Europolity: Continuity and Change in European Governance (2015) vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 31-44.
The aftermath of the Vilnius Summit raised many questions regarding the effectiveness of the European foreign policy in the Eastern partnership countries. The previous incidents show the imperious need of a security dimension for the Eastern Partnership. A new European security system is required to offer better solutions to a region that struggles with the annexation of Crimea, violent conflicts in the Donbas area in Eastern Ukraine, the 2008 Georgian-Russian war and the five frozen conflicts at the Eastern frontier of the EU. In this paper, I will present from a macro-level analysis the main transformations and challenges of the Eastern Partnership after the Vilnius Summit until the Riga Summit2, elaborate on the expectations from the upcoming Riga Summit and its importance in the actual context and offer some insights in the main reasons why controlling the Eastern neighbourhood is important for both European and Russian security.
- Eastern Partnership after Riga: rethink, reforms, resilience // European Council on Foreign Relations. Riga Series (2015) 19. mai
Six experts from Eastern Partnership countries, from Armenia to Ukraine, give their views on the successes and shortcomings of EaP policies. This collection is part of ECFR’s Riga papers, a series of papers on the impact, future and possible reforms of the EaP, published ahead of the Eastern Partnership summit in Riga.
- EDFR Riga Series. Views from EaP countries // European Council on Foreign Relations (2015)
Six experts from Eastern Partnership countries, from Armenia to Ukraine, give their views on the successes and shortcomings of EaP policies. This collection is part of ECFR’s Riga papers, a series of papers on the impact, future and possible reforms of the EaP, published ahead of the Eastern Partnership summit in Riga.
- EDFR Riga Series. Views from the EU countries // European Council on Foreign Relations (2015)
Eight experts from countries that played a key role in shaping the Eastern Partnership in the EU discuss how the concepts and policies of EaP are viewed in their countries. This collection is part of ECFR’s Riga papers, a series of papers on the impact, future and possible reforms of the EaP, published ahead of the Eastern Partnership summit in Riga.
- Kostanyan, Hrant. The Eastern Partnership after Riga: Review and Reconfirm // CEPS Commentary (2015) 29. mai
The Riga Summit of 21-22 May reaffirmed the EU’s commitment to the Eastern Partnership, underlined further differentiation between the neighbours and reiterated the importance of people-to-people contacts, finds Hrant Kostanyan in this CEPS Commentary. All in all, however, the Summit was more of a stocktaking exercise than a momentous redefinition of relations with the EU at a time of precarious geopolitics in the east. Politically, it is important now for the EU to defend what it already offered to the eastern neighbours and reconfirm the Eastern Partnership as a defining feature of its foreign policy and fundamental to the EU’s larger Security Strategy review.
- Khylko, Olena. Riga Summit : Implications for the Eastern Parnership // Policy Brief. East European Security Research Initiative (2015) mai.
The Riga Eastern Partnership summit was held against the backdrop of traditionally high expectations, and consequently – certain disappointments. This piece analyses the relevancy of the eastern neighbors’ expectations; the validity of skeptical estimations of the summit results; and the implications of summit outcomes for the future of the Eastern Partnership that faces a number of challenges.
- Martyn-Hemphill, Richard. Eastern Partnership Still On Life Support After Riga Summit // The Baltic Times (2015) 4. juuni – 1. juuli, pp. 1-3.
- Belkin, Paul ; Mix, Derek E. ; Woehrel, Steven. NATO: Response to the Crisis in Ukraine and Security Concerns in Central and Eastern Europe // Congressional Research Sevice (2014) 31. juuli
- Emerson, Michael. After the Vilnius fiasco: Who is to blame? What is to be done? // CEPS Essay (2014) No. 8
All three parties principally responsible for the Vilnius fiasco are to blame, each in their very different way: the EU for having drafted agreements with an inadequate balance between incentives and obligations, and vulnerable as a result to Putin’s aim to torpedo the whole process in favour of his misconceived Eurasian Union, while Yanukovich tried playing geo-political games that left him personally and the Ukrainian state as Putin’s hostage. It will require a major recalibration of policies to get this unstable new status quo back onto sound strategic lines, and proposals are advanced along three tracks in parallel: for rebuilding the remnants of the EU’s neighbourhood policy, for attempting to get Russia to take Lisbon to Vladivostok seriously, and for promoting a Greater Eurasia concept fit for the 21st century that would embrace the whole of the European and Asian landmass.
- Krastev, Ivan ; Leonard, Mark. The New European Disorder // Essay. European Council on Foreign Relations (2014) 20. november
- Larsen, Henrik B. L. Great Power Politics and the Ukrainian Crisis: NATO, EU and Russia after 2014 // Report 18 (2014) Copenhagen: DIIS, Danish Institute for International Studies.
This report assesses the relationship between Europe and Russia as the sum of great power reactions to the Ukrainian crisis and Russia’s annexation of Crimea. Despite agreement on a no business-as-usual principle, important national nuances have arisen stemming from different historical bonds to eastern Europe and Russia (Germany, Poland, United States) or different interests in the region (France, United Kingdom). The report calls for a recalibration of the Europe-Russia relations along three dimensions based on the great power pattern: imposing moderate sanctions and thus letting markets punish Russia, given its vulnerability to international investors; placing the EU at the forefront of implementing the Association Agreement already in place to assist Ukraine in painful but needed reforms; and getting NATO to reinforce its eastern posture to incentivize de-escalation. The Ukrainian crisis must be recognized and managed as a predominantly politicaleconomic rivalry involving relatively strong Russian interests in this common neighborhood with the EU.
- Laurinavičius, Marius ; Kasčiunas, Laurynas ; Krešanskas, Vytautas ; Kojala, Linas. EU and Russia Relations After Crimea: Red Lines for “Business as Usual” // Eastern Europe Studies Centre (2014) 18. juuni
Annexation of the Crimea and destabilisation in Eastern Ukraine not only undermined the established principles of territorial inviolability and self-determination of sovereign states, but also forced a rethinking of the security situation in Europe. Moscow wants the West to recognise the postRussia with an informal “veto” right, with the result that Russia would become one of the “arbiters” in the European security architecture. Furthermore, Russia seeksto repeatthe scenario of 2008: while Russia’s military intervention in Georgia was widely condemned, interdependence in energy, economy and politics soon reverted the status of Russian relationship with the EU and other countries to “business as usual”. Russia can expect this due to the divergent positions of EU members with respect to the future relationship model with Russia: while Central and Eastern Europe speak about the necessity for a “containment” policy,themajorEUcountriestake the “engagement”approach. Returning to “business as usual”, which would allow a return to a stable European security system, is possible only by observing the delineated “red lines” in relations with Russia, so the paper provides recommendations that can offer guidance to a post-crisis scenario.
- Penkova, Tomislava. The Vilnius Summit and Ukraine’s Revolution as a Benchmark for EU Eastern Partnership Policy // Institute for International Political Studies (2014) Analysis No. 240
The Vilnius Summit in November 2013 was a critical turning point for the EU to assess its EaP policy’s effectiveness, potential and regional challenges. Although the EaP comprises six very different partner countries, ongoing dramatic events in Ukraine should be analysed not as a single case but rather as a symptom of the EaP’s shortcomings and an indication of EU ambitions and approach to the common neighbourhood with Russia. In order to evaluate the EaP’s present and future one should take into account three elements. First, the ‘surprise effect’ and disappointment in Brussels provoked by the unexpected decision of the former Ukrainian president not to sign the Association Agreement followed by the EU’s emotionally charged statements and narrative blaming Russia for all EU difficulties in the region. Second is the wake‐up call that the EaP needs some re‐adjustment. Third, the EU’s reaction to Ukrainian events revealed its poor leverage and that Russia had become a decisive factor in EaP. This analysis will look in detail at all three elements while presenting an exclusively EU perspective built on interviews with EU officials in early 2014.
- Eastern Partnership strategy discussed // The Baltic Times (2013) 27. juuni – 10. juuli, pp. 4.
- Ratsiborynska, Vira. Vilnius Summit’s geopolitical games: lessons learnt // The Baltic Times (2013) 19. detsember – 8. jaanuar, pp. 15
- Reichardt, Adam. EU-Russia relations: a view from the “New Eastern Europe” // Baltic Horizons, 2013, no. 20, pp. 19-22
- Smith, Ben. Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius: carrots v sticks // House of Commons Library (2013) 26. november
The third European Union Eastern Partnership summit will take place in the Lithuanian capital Vilnius on 28 and 29 November 2013. It comes at a crucial time for some of the countries of Eastern Europe and is seen by some as a battle for influence between the EU and Russia over countries such as Armenia, Moldova and, crucially, Ukraine. Fears were raised that the meeting would end in fiasco when Ukraine announced at the last minute that it would not sign.
- Stewart, Susan. The Eastern partnership in the context of Russia-Polish-German cooperation // Baltic Horizons, 2013, no. 20, pp. 11-14