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Scientific Articles
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  • Bäckstrand, Karin ; Elgström, Ole. The EU’s role in climate change negotiations: from leader to ‘leadiator’ // Journal of European Public Policy (2013) nr. 10, lk. 1369-1386.
    We start with two puzzles: first, how to explain the European Union (EU)’s decline as a climate change leader at the Copenhagen summit? Second, how to understand the partial revival of its leadership position at the Durban climate summit? We advance a twofold explanation, focusing on changes in relative power relations among major powers but also on negotiation strategies and coalition building. In Copenhagen, the EU had a normative agenda and unrealistic expectations and thereby failed to forge any bridge-building coalitions. In Durban, it had moved towards a pragmatic strategy, attuned to the realities of changing power constellations. The EU approached developing countries that shared its desire for a legally binding regime covering all major emitters and probed compromises with veto players, such as China and the US. This bridge-building strategy was combined with a conditional pledge to agree to an extension of the Kyoto Protocol. In sum, the EU acted as a ‘leadiator’, a leader-cum-mediator. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Bouckaert, Reinhilde ; Delputte, Sarah. Addressing Legitimacy in the EU’s Interregional Approach to Climate Change: The Case of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Union for the Mediterranean // European Foreign Affairs Review (2020) nr. 2, lk. 217 – 238.
    The 2015 Paris Agreement adopted at the twenty-first Conference of the Parties (COP) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) constitutes a major landmark in the combat against climate change. However, international climate governance and the climate deal have been confronted with concerns about their legitimacy and accountability. In the same vein, while the combat against climate change also takes centre stage in the EU’s inter-regional relations, the EU’s approach has suffered from democratic deficits as well. Literature on parliamentary diplomacy and interregionalism has pointed at the potential of inter-parliamentary assemblies’ monitoring and deliberation functions in addressing the legitimacy gap of intergovernmental agreements. This article puts the focus on the Parliamentary Assembly of the Union for the Mediterranean and climate change, and analyses to what extent and how the Assembly fulfills these monitoring and deliberation functions. In doing so, the article aims to examine how inter-parliamentary assemblies can contribute to the legitimacy of the EU’s inter-regional approach to climate change. The analysis is based on quantitative and qualitative text analysis, in-depth semi-structured interviews and participatory observation. The conclusion reads that, while the Parliamentary Assembly of the UfM (PA-UfM) has indeed used its monitoring and deliberative functions, there are several limitations related to the asymmetry between the EU and its Southern and Eastern Mediterranean partner countries, that hamper its potential contribution to add legitimacy to the Union for the Mediterranean’s (UfM) climate action. (Kluwer Law International)
  • Bremberg, Niklas ; Sonnsjö, Hannes ; Mobjörk, Malin. The EU and climate-related security risks: a community of practice in the making? // Journal of European Integration (2019) nr. 5, lk. 623-639.
    Climate change is increasingly acknowledged as a threat to states and societies, and several international organizations are now seeking to respond to climate-related security risks. The EU’s comprehensive approach to security suggests that the Union is particularly well-suited to respond to such risks, but the EU has not yet developed a coherent policy. This article addresses the gap between discourse and policy outcomes by exploring how practice shapes EU climate security policy. It provides unique insights based on practitioners’ accounts of the work being done in the European Union External Action Service to align various EU foreign policy tools and instruments in order to address climate-related security risks. A key finding is that a community of practice is emerging on climate security in the EU, but it is characterized by overlapping and conflicting practices relating to climate diplomacy, development, and security and defence. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Davis Cross, Mai’a K. Partners at Paris? climate negotiations and transatlantic relations // Journal of European Integration (2018) nr. 5, lk. 571-586.
    There is arguably no security crisis so great as the one that stems from climate change. For some time, the EU, rather than the US, has led the way in terms of far-ranging policies to reduce carbon emissions. But despite the fact that the EU has been able to bind itself to strong environmental norms internally, it has – up until COP21 – been a relatively weak norm entrepreneur externally when seeking to convince others, especially the US, to adopt stronger environmental policies. Why was the EU finally able to increase its influence in the lead up and at the 2015 UN summit in Paris? This article argues that while the EU’s climate diplomacy has underperformed in the past, it has been quick to adapt since the 2009 Copenhagen summit through effectively broadening its epistemic community of climate diplomats, and engaging in a process of political learning. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Downie, Christian. Shaping International Negotiations from within the EU: Sub-State Actors and Climate Change // Journal of European Integration (2013) nr. 6, lk. 705-721.
    The European Union (EU) has been a critical player in international environmental negotiations, especially those relating to climate change. This has been documented, and the role of the EU analysed, in many studies, some of which focus specifically on the role of European non-state actors in these negotiations. Yet few studies have analysed the role played by sub-state actors, namely government departments in the member states and directorate-generals in the European Commission. This paper attempts to redress this imbalance by considering the behaviour of the EU in the international climate negotiations through the prism of a ‘two-level’ game. In particular, it will consider what role sub-state actors played in determining the negotiating position of the EU and the type of agreement it has been willing to sign. In doing so, this paper reveals that there are limits to what the two-level game can explain, especially in long negotiations, and it suggests three factors that existing theories need to take into account to understand variations in state behaviour and its implication for negotiation outcomes. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Dupont, Claire ; Oberthür, Sebastian ; von Homeyer, Ingmar. The Covid-19 crisis: a critical juncture for EU climate policy development? // Journal of European Integration (2020)  nr. 8, lk. 1095-1110.
    The EU has demonstrated increasing commitment to combating climate change. In December 2019, the European Commission published the European Green Deal (EGD) – an evolving, overarching strategy that aims to achieve climate neutrality by 2050. Just as the plans were underway to implement the EGD, the Covid-19 crisis hit. We ask whether it is likely that the Covid-19 crisis represents a critical juncture for EU climate policy, and why? Experience from previous economic crises suggests that climate policy may be set aside. In 2020, the EU’s crisis response seems rather to advance EU climate policy, at least on paper. Given the potential for transformational change already embedded in the EGD, we suggest that additional positive effects of the Covid-19 crisis may not add up to a critical juncture. We reflect on the role of Commission entrepreneurship and the politicisation of climate change and climate policy to explain this outcome. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Dupont, Claire. The EU’s collective securitisation of climate change // West European Politics (2019) nr  2, lk. 369-390.
    Climate change is a firmly established and prominent issue of concern for the European Union. The EU became a collective agent of securitisation over time, increasingly engaging in speech acts defining climate change as a threat. These speech acts have driven forward agreed European policy measures and have informed EU positions in international climate negotiations. This piece examines how climate change became securitised and traces the historical development of the EU as an agent of collective securitisation in this domain. It argues that the EU has become a more unified, collective actor over time, that it has engaged in recursive interaction with multiple (internal and external) audiences to drive the securitisation of climate change, and that a new securitised status quo had been achieved by the mid-to-late 2000s. This new status quo positions climate change as central to the EU’s security agenda.(Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Groen, Lisanne ; Oberthür, Sebastian. Explaining goal achievement in international negotiations: the EU and the Paris Agreement on climate change // Journal of European Public Policy (2018) nr. 5, lk. 708-727. The Paris Agreement on climate change adopted in December 2015 reflects EU policy objectives to large extent. To find an explanation, we develop a general framework that incorporates both structural and actor-/process-related factors, paying particular attention to negotiation strategy and diplomacy. On this basis, we argue that the high level of EU goal achievement in Paris resulted from the interplay of (1) evolving international structures, (2) effective EU strategy fitting these structures and domestic politics, and (3) favourable situational circumstances. While the EU arguably pushed others to their limits, downscaled ambitions also meant that it accepted a Paris Agreement that is insufficient by itself and needs to be strengthened quickly. The application of our conceptual framework to the Paris Agreement demonstrates its added value and that it can build the basis of a fresh programme of work comparing the EU’s performance in international institutions/negotiations across time and policy fields. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Meckling, Jonas. The developmental state in global regulation: economic change and climate policy // European Journal of International Relations (2018) nr. 1, lk. 58-81
    What are the origins of global regulation? This article proposes that the developmental state — the state investing in economic development — can be a source of global environmental regulation. Through industrial policy, the developmental state can promote structural economic change in polluting sectors that supports global regulatory policy in two ways: first, providing state support to green industries creates economic interests in support of global regulation; and, second, driving down the cost of technology through government subsidies alters the pay-offs of global cooperation for other states.
    This article examines the two mechanisms in the case of climate change: the global leadership of the European Union; and international cooperation on the Paris Agreement. The argument advances our theory of the state in global regulatory politics as both a developmental and a regulatory force. This article identifies significant scope for the developmental strategies of major economies to change the interest and cost structures of polluting sectors to support global environmental regulation. (Sage Journals Onlines)
  • Nitoiu, Cristian. Supporting the EU’s Approach to Climate Change: The Discourse of the Transnational Media Within the ‘Brussels Bubble’ // Journal of European Integration (2015) nr. 5, lk. 535-552.
    The Union’s global climate change policy has been widely seen as an expression of its normative power, where it is committed to act through multilateral frameworks in order to tackle the effects of changes in the climate and safeguard the future of people around the world. Internally, the EU’s approach to climate change is complemented by high levels of support from citizens. This article explores another internal source of support for the EU’s leadership in global climate change policy, namely the media. The focus here is on the transnational media’s reporting and coverage of the Copenhagen summit, which is widely considered to be one of the key points in the development of global climate change policy. The article shows that within the ‘Brussels bubble,’ the transnational media supported through its reporting the EU’s ambitious agenda in global climate change policy around the time of the Copenhagen summit. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Schmidt, Nicole M. Late bloomer? Agricultural policy integration and coordination patterns in climate policies // Journal of European Public Policy (2020) nr. 6, lk. 893-911.
    The ambitious goal of the Paris Agreement demands action across all policy domains and even scrutinizes traditionally privileged ones, including agriculture. Is agriculture playing an increasingly important role in climate policies? Existing research argues that the insulated agricultural domain is opening up and becoming more multidimensional. Whether such developments are visible in the comparatively new climate domain, however, has not been systematically assessed yet. This article seeks to advance the academic debate on policy integration by examining the opposite direction of integration, i.e. the integration of agricultural components into climate policies. To assess coordination efforts, I investigate which ministries are represented in climate policies. I provide a global perspective by analyzing over 1000 climate policies from 1990 to 2017 and find that climate policies with mentions of agriculture are increasing. This is particularly true of EU and African countries, and since 2005. However, half of the data made no reference to agriculture and hardly ever mentioned agricultural ministries. I argue that agricultural ministries’ involvement in climate policymaking is crucial to the meaningful achievement of agri-climate objectives. The fragmented picture suggests that, while climate policies are becoming more multidimensional, both domains continue to co-exist rather than to merge into an entity. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Smith, Don C. ‘Green responses’ to COVID-19: Europe and the United States diverge yet again // Journal of Energy & Natural Resources Law (2020) nr 3, lk. 209-212.
    The world is watching again as the once-close relationship between Europe and the United States continues to unravel before our eyes. In this particular instance it involves the vastly differing strategies each is signalling with respect to green investment, or not, as part of the response to the COVID-19 pandemic. (Taylor &Francis Online)
  • Wester, Misse ; Mobjörk, Malin. A Brief Survey of the Work Being Performed by Crisis Organisations in European Union Member States on Climate Change Effects // Journal of Contingencies & Crisis Management (2017) nr. 4, lk. 364-369.
    The negative effects of climate change are calling for action to mitigate and adapt to future challenges. National crisis management authorities need to prepare to handle crisis caused by direct or indirect effects. In this study, we investigate how crisis management authorities within the European Union prepare for the effects of climate change by conducting a small questionnaire study. The questionnaire used consisted of 12 questions and was answered by 17 counties. Results indicate that most crisis management agencies focus on weather-related incidents, such as floods, heatwaves and forest fires. Indirect effects are not prepared for to the same extent. The gulf between crisis management and climate adaptation is discussed. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO), Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
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