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  • Romero Moreno, F. (2020) ‘Upload filters’ and human rights: implementing Article 17 of the Directive on Copyright in the Digital Single Market. // International Review of Law, Computers & Technology, vol 34, issue 2, pp 153-182.
    This paper critically examines to what extent Article 17 of the EU Directive on Copyright in the Digital Single Market (CDSM) could be implemented in a way which complies with the right of online content-sharing service providers and uploaders to a fair trial, privacy and freedom of expression under Articles 6, 8 and 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), the E-Commerce Directive 2000/31 and the General Data Protection Regulation 2016/679. The analysis draws upon Article 17 CDSM Directive, the case-law of the Strasbourg and Luxembourg courts, and academic literature. It assesses the compliance of ‘upload filters’ with the European Court of Human Rights’ (ECtHR) three-part, non-cumulative test to determine whether the obligations laid down in Article 17 can be implemented: firstly, that it is ‘in accordance with the law’; secondly, that it pursues one or more legitimate aims contained in Article 8(2) and 10(2) Convention; and thirdly, that it is ‘necessary’ and ‘proportionate’. The paper also evaluates the compatibility of upload filters with the ECtHR principle of presumption of innocence under Article 6 ECHR. It proposes that for Article 17 to be a human rights-compliant response, upload filters must be targeted specifically at online infringement of copyright on a commercial-scale. (Taylor & Francis)
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  • Finc, Michèle ; Moscon, Valentina. Copyright Law on Blockchains: Between New Forms of Rights Administration and Digital Rights Management 2.0 // IIC – International Review of Intellectual Property and Competition Law, vol. 50, no. 1, pp 77–108.
    This article examines the potential and limitations of blockchain technology and blockchain-based smart contracts in relation to copyright. Copyright has long been enforced through technological means, specifically Digital Rights Management. With the emergence of blockchains, many are now predicting a new era regarding the administration and enforcement of copyright through computer code. The article introduces the technology and related potential and limitations while stressing its capacity to act as a form of normative ordering that can express public or private objectives. (Springer)
     
  • Richter, Heiko ; Slowinski, Peter R. The Data Sharing Economy: On the Emergence of New Intermediaries // IIC – International Review of Intellectual Property and Competition Law, vol. 50, no. 1, pp 4-29.
    Data-driven markets depend on access to data as a resource for products and services. Since the quality of information that can be drawn from data increases with the available amount and quality of the data, businesses involved in the data economy have a great interest in accessing data from other market players. However, companies still appear to be reluctant to share their data. Therefore, the key question is how data sharing can be incentivized. This article focuses on data sharing platforms, which are emerging as new intermediaries and can play a vital role in the data economy, as they may increase willingness to share data. By comparing data sharing to the exchange of patents based on the FRAND principles, this article suggests a possible way for self-regulation to provide more transparency and fairness in the growing markets for data sharing. (Springer)
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  • Adamski, Dariusz. Lost on the Digital Platform: Europe’s Legal Travails with the Digital Single Market // Common Market Law Review, vol. 55, no. 3, pp. 719-752.
    The regulatory approach to tech companies in the internal market is in the process of being rebalanced from maximizing economic benefits to minimizing social and political costs. The article analyses this trend, and the reasons for the change. It recapitulates the main economic and political benefits, as well as the costs of establishing a European market for online activities, then discusses the outcome of the positive integration in this domain before and after the 2015 Digital Single Market Strategy. The ECJ’s stance in the recent cases on Uber is explained, followed by an elucidation of shortcomings in the legal arguments underpinning these decisions. The conclusions emphasize that the current approach to the Digital Single Market – both for positive and negative integration – might cripple the internal market profoundly. If so, the cleavage between countries able to take advantage of the digital revolution and those unable to do so will widen. (Kluwer Online)
  • Ansip, Andrus. Digital should be a given for everyone, no matter where //  African Business, January 2018, pp. 48-52. 
    Andrus Ansip, the European commissioner for the digital single market, talks to Christine Holzbauer about how the EU can help Africa develop its digital economy. (ProQuest)
  • Crespi, Serena. The Applicability of Schrems Priciples to the Member States: National Security and Data Protection within the EU Context // European Law Review, vol. 43, no. 5, pp. 669-686. (WestLaw)
  • Dijk, N. van ; Tanas, A. ; Rommetveit, K. ; Raab, C. Right engineering? The redesign of privacy and personal data protection // International Review of Law, Computers & Technology, vol. 32, no. 2-3, pp. 230-256.
    The idea of building safeguards for privacy and other fundamental rights and freedoms into ICT systems has recently been introduced in EU legislation as‘Data Protection by Design’. This article studies the techno-epistemic network emerging around this idea historically and empirically. We present the findings of an ‘extended peer consultation’with representatives of the emerging network: policy-makers, regulators, entrepreneurs and ICT developers, but also with jurists and publics that seem instead to remain outside its scope. Standardization exercises here emerge as crucial hybrid sites where the contributions and expectations of different actors are aligned to scale up privacy design beyond single technologies and organizations and to build highly interconnected ICT infrastructures. Through the notion of‘privacy by network’, we study how the concept of privacy hereby becomes re-constituted as‘normative transversal’, which both works as a stabilizing promise for responsible smart innovation, but simultaneously catalyzes the metamorphosis of the notion of privacy as elaborated in legal settings. The article identifies tensions and limits within these design-based approaches, which can in turn offer opportunities for learning lessons to increase the quality of privacy articulations. (Taylor & Francis Online)
  • Frosio, Giancarlo F. Why keep a dog and bark yourself? From intermediary liability to responsibility // International Journal of Law and Information Technology, vol. 26, no. 1, pp. 1–33.
    This article contextualizes the recent developments in intermediary liability theory and policy within a broader move towards private ordering online. In this context, online intermediaries’ governance would move away from a well-established utilitarian approach and towards a moral approach by rejecting negligence-based intermediary liability arrangements. Miscellaneous policy tools—such as monitoring and filtering obligations, blocking orders, graduated response, payment blockades and follow-the-money strategies, private Domain Name System content regulation, online search manipulation, or administrative enforcement—might reflect this change in perspective. In particular, policy makers—and interested third-parties such as intellectual property rightholders—try to coerce online intermediaries into implementing these policy strategies through voluntary measures and self-regulation, in addition to validly enacted obligations. This process might be pushing an amorphous notion of responsibility that incentivizes intermediaries’ self-intervention to police allegedly infringing activities in the Internet. In this sense, the intermediary liability discourse is shifting towards an intermediary responsibility discourse. Furthermore, enforcement would be looking once again for an ‘answer to the machine in the machine’. By enlisting online intermediaries as watchdogs, governments would de facto delegate online enforcement to algorithmic tools. Due process and fundamental guarantees get mauled by technological enforcement, curbing fair uses of content online and silencing speech according to the mainstream ethical discourse. (OUP)
  • Hoekstra, Johanna. The proposed directive for the supply of digital content: is it fit for purpose? // International Review of Law, Computers & Technology, 2019, pp. 1-18.
    In December 2015, the European Commission proposed a new Directive for the Supply of Digital Content. This Directive was presented along with a second proposed Directive on Online and Distant Sale of Goods. These proposed Directives form part of the European Union Digital Single Market Strategy. This paper critically examines the Directive for the Supply of Digital Content to establish whether it fits the purposes for which it is drafted and whether it fits the goals of the Digital Single Market Strategy. It is submitted that although the Directive is presented as part of the Digital Single Market Strategy and as an instrument to fill a gap in the Consumer Acquis, it is mainly concerned with harmonising contract law and it is driven by the Commission’s previous failed attempts to harmonise Contract law. The paper also highlights that in its current form due to some of its requirements imposed on businesses the proposed Directive may lead to unintended consequences for consumers. The paper argues that the Directive and some of its provisions needs to be revisited. (Taylor & Francis Online)
  • Loney, Michael. EU digital copyright rule changes receive mixed reception // Managing Intellectual Property, 13. juuli 2018
    The draft Directive on Copyright in the Digital Single Market was not supported by some countries and also provoked mixed reactions from the IP industry – particularly around Article 13, known as the value gap proposal The Council of the European Union’s permanent representatives committee (Coreper) has finalised its position on the draft Directive on Copyright in the Digital Single Market. According to Alastair Shaw, Penny Thornton and Nils Rauer at Hogan Lovells, the Council’s positon only differs slightly from the draft published on May 17. […]those that upload protected content with the purpose of obtaining profit from that activity are exempt, including internet access providers and online marketplaces. (ProQuest)
  • Loney, Michael. How the EU Copyright Directive could affect trade marks // Managing Intellectual Property, 20. september 2018.
    In those cases, intangible assets such as logos, slogans and trade dress can be covered by a third party’s copyright – and that could become more of a headache for brands after the Copyright Directive comes into place unless they actively address the matter in their contracts. Upload filters are no longer specifically mentioned in the provision and creates a new definition of ‘online content sharing services providers’ that undertake an act of communication to the public and must conclude fair and appropriate licensing agreements with right holders. Subsections, Articles 13a, 13b and 13c, have been inserted into the provision that call for alternative dispute resolution for conflicts with successors in titles and license agreements for providers of automated image referencing services and provide details on the calculation of fair and proportionate remuneration schemes respectively. (ProQuest)
  • Lynskey, Orla. Aligning Data Protectin Rights with Competition Law Remedies? The GDPR Right to Data Portability // European Law Review, December 2017, vol. 6, pp. 793-814.
    The General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) introduces a right to data portability in the EU legal order. This novel right has no direct equivalent in EU Member States, or internationally. Data portability bears many of the trappings of a competition law remedy: it has the potential to reduce barriers to entry; to stimulate innovation; and, to lower switching costs for individuals. For this reason, the right to data portability is often attributed a competition-based rationale in addition to its data protection objective. Yet, as this paper shall demonstrate, the GDPR right to data portability can be differentiated from a competition law remedy in terms of both its scope and its objectives. These differences in terms of scope and normative logic can lead to conflicting interpretations and visions of the right to data portability. This paper argues that in case of such conflict the interpretation of the GDPR right to data portability ought to be decoupled from the logic and constraints of competition law and instead viewed within its data protection law context as an instrument for individual control over personal data. (WestLaw)
  • Montagnani, Maria Lillà ; Yordanova Trapova, Alina. Safe harbours in deep waters: a new emerging liability regime for Internet intermediaries in the Digital Single Market // International Journal of Law and Information Technology , vol. 26, no. 4, pp. 294–310.
    Online intermediaries, often categorized as the gatekeepers of information, have become major protagonists in a variety of policy and legislative actions within the EU Digital Single Market. These initiatives endeavour to tackle illegal content online by imposing enhanced responsibility rules. The emerging scheme undertakes to nevertheless maintain the safe harbour liability exemption under the E-Commerce Directive. In this article we argue that whether that is really the case remains to be seen, in particular with a view to the proposal for a new directive on copyright in the Digital Single Market, the proposal to amend the Audio-visual Media Services Directive and the Commission’s guidance on enforcement of intellectual property rights. This article strives to understand how the new set of obligations is accommodated in the realm of existing rights and duties and whether the boundaries of the safe harbour are blurred by virtue of these recent legislative initiatives. (Oxford Academic)
  • Pupillo, Lorenzo. EU Cybersecurity and the Paradox of Progress // CEPS Policy Insights (2018) no. 6
    Technological revolutions bring opportunities, but sometimes even greater threats. This ‘paradox of progress’ affects cyberspace today, threatening to undermine the very principle and foundation of the open internet. The global debate on cyber-governance is currently in a stalemate on the norms for global stability of cyberspace and the fight against cybercrime, although the EU is making considerable efforts to strengthen the resilience of cyberspace and the critical information infrastructure. The newly proposed Cybersecurity Act should, however, be supported by additional measures to increase awareness, devise smarter policy and enable effective governance. Too many users and businesses are still failing to take cybersecurity and computer hygiene seriously. And there is a need to strengthen the panEuropean coordination of deterrence, detection, and defence. This paper looks at the possibilities for the EU in this domain and argues that at a time of American diplomatic and political retrenchment from Europe and the world, it has an opportunity to play a leading role in global cybersecurity policy and governance. (CEPS)
  • Schroff, Simone ; Street, John. The politics of the Digital Single Market: culture vs. competition vs. copyright // Information, Communication & Society, vol. 21, no. 10, pp. 1305-1321.
    This paper examines the implications for European music culture of the European Union’s (EU) Digital Single Market strategy. It focuses on the regulatory framework being created for the management of copyright policy, and in particular the role played by collective management organisations (CMOs or collecting societies). One of the many new opportunities created by digitalisation has been the music streaming services. These depend on consumers being able to access music wherever they are, but such a system runs counter to the management of rights on a national basis and through collecting organisations which act as monopolies within their own territories. The result has been ‘geo-blocking’. The EU has attempted to resolve this problem in a variety of ways, most recently in a Directive designed to reform the CMOs. In this paper, we document these various efforts, showing them to be motivated by a deep-seated and persisting belief in the capacity of ‘competition’ to resolve problems that, we argue, actually lie elsewhere – in copyright policy itself. The result is that the EU’s intervention fails to address its core concern and threatens the diversity of European music culture by rewarding those who are already commercially successful. (Taylor & Francis Online)
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  • Charlton, John. Europe Wrestles Whit Ebooks // Information Today, vol. 34, no. 6, p. 13
    European booksellers fear that plans hatched by the European Parliament (EP) to end geo-blocking will deal a heavy blow to their ebook businesses while benefiting the big international players. The EP’s Committee on Internal Market and Consumer Protection wants upcoming regulations on a single digital market to include the lifting of geo-blocking on copyrighted, non-audiovisual content. This would mean that booksellers would have to sell ebooks across borders, which the European and International Booksellers Federation (EIBF) thinks will prompt many to give up selling them altogether. (EBSCOhost)
  • Cini, Michelle ; Šuplata, Marian. Policy leadership in the European Commission: the regulation of EU mobile roaming charges // Journal of European Integration, vol. 39, no. 2, p. 143-156.
    Political leadership in the European Commission tends to be associated with high politics and the intervention therein of the Commission President. This contribution takes a different approach by viewing policy leadership by the Commission as a form of political leadership. When the Commission finds it difficult to perform a broader political agenda-setting role, it may still be able to set and deliver new policy initiatives. The contribution considers the conditions under which successful policy leadership occurs. It identifies two types of condition – political agency and policy capacity – and argues that both, together, are important in explaining successful policy leadership. Evidence is drawn from the case of European mobile roaming. 
  • Echikson, William. Europe’s telecoms reform fails to fly // CEPS Commentary (2017)
    Europe today enjoys a giant opportunity to step into a position of global internet leadership. While the new Trump Administration readies to pare back key digital policies, notably net neutrality, Europe is pressing forward with a new reform of its telecoms sector that aims to spread cheap, convenient and high-speed broadband access throughout the continent. Unfortunately, Europe looks set to miss this golden opportunity. Instead of unshackling the telecommunications sector, my colleague Andrea Renda recently completed a comprehensive report for the European Parliament showing that the proposed reform looks set to throttle much-needed competition, slowing rather than speeding up high-speed internet adoption and piling potentially fatal regulation onto cheap voice-call options, such as Skype, and new emerging messaging services such as WhatsApp and Facebook Messenger. (CEPS)
  • Echikson, William. The Internet and Jobs: A giant opportunity for Europe // CEPS Policy Insights (2017) no. 38
    Over the past two decades, digitalisation has unleashed deep-seated fear among workers for the future of their jobs. Many of our daily activities, from entertainment to shopping, are being transformed. Uber drivers replace taxi drivers, artificial intelligence programmed legal review software replaces lawyers, and robots replace blue-collar manufacturing workers. Some studies predict that digitalisation and robotisation will cause job losses up to 50% of all jobs over the next few decades. Yet new research argues that such assertions are mere fear-mongering and that in reality the internet is creating more jobs than it destroys – and that these new jobs are better paid and less physically strenuous than their predecessors. Although most studies look at the United States and still need to be ‘Europeanised’, this optimistic view of future work suggests that this technology-fuelled job creation is not limited to tech hubs such as London and Berlin, but is moving quickly into provincial cities and is even reaching into the hinterlands long dominated by traditional industries such as coal, steel and farming. (CEPS)
  • Echikson, William. Limited liability for the net? The Future of Europe’s E-Commerce Directive // CEPS Commentary (2017)
    It is one of the most successful pieces of European regulation. Back in 2000, just as the internet was going mainstream, Europe enacted the E-Commerce Directive, setting clear limits on liability for digital platforms. Platforms weren’t held responsible for illegal material uploaded to their sites. Instead, they were responsible only for bringing down illegal material when informed. Without this legal safe harbour, many of the internet’s success stories would never have gotten off the ground. Imagine if YouTube was held responsible for every upload, Blogger for every blogpost and TripAdvisor for each restaurant or hotel review? Such user-generated content would have been too dangerous to publish. (CEPS)
  • Echikson, William. President Macron can show digital light to Europe’s laggards // CEPS Commentary (2017)
    No one should expect Macron to become a pussycat on digital policy, but the new entrepreneurial president has been clear that France has much to gain from a more enlightened approach to digital policy. (CEPS)
  • Hu, Ken. Accelerating Europe’s digital transformation // Europe’s World, 2017, no. 35, pp. 69-71
    The digital and physical worlds are converging, a transformation led by technologies such as cloud computing and the ‘internet of things’ (IoT). Europe can lead this shift to an intelligent digital world, while maintaining its competitive edge in global industry and innovation, by focusing on several key areas. 
  • Kalimo, Harri ; Majcher, Klaudia. The Concept of Fairness: Linking EU Competition and Data Protection Law in the Digital Marketplace // European Law Review, vol 42, no. 2, pp. 210-233
    In the rapidly proliferating digital marketplace, the business model of numerous companies is based on the processing of vast amounts of personal data. The data economy has triggered controversies regarding the intersection between EU competition law and data protection law. This article embarks on a conceptual analysis of “fairness”, and tests the hypothesis that there exist commonalities between the two fields of law. The hypothesis is based on the fact that both competition and data protection law make explicit reference to the concept of fairness in defining infringements, and that EU law in general terms is subordinate to the principle of coherence. The article concludes, however, that although the concept is, to some extent, applied coherently in the two fields, its ability to offer legal certainty for the actors in the digital economy remains limited unless and until the administrative and judicial authorities elaborate its precise contents more fully. A joint elaboration could offer opportunities to move from “deliberate isolation” towards “constructive coherence”. (Research Gate)
  • Karapapa, Stavroula. The Requirement for a “New Public” in EU Copyright Law // European Law Review, vol. 42, no. 1, pp. 63-81
    This article deals with a doctrinal shift in the understanding of what amounts to an actionable communication of copyright works to the public. Recent rulings of the European Court of Justice hold that infringement takes place where a communication is addressed to a “new public”, i.e. a public that copyright holders had not taken into account when authorising the initial communication of the work.This newly developed doctrine develops a sui generis legal fiction that fundamentally changes the communication right; it both restricts and expands its scope in ways that were not foreseen when the right was first introduced in international law, European copyright law and the national laws of Member States. In its unnecessary complexity, the concept of the new public indicates that the extremely broad scope of the communication right is unworkable and counterproductive, thereby inviting a principlebased approach, according to which lawful and strictly private use ought to be exempt from infringement. (WestLaw)
  • Lundqvist, Björn. Standardization for the Digital Economy: The Issue of Interoperability and Access Under Competition Law // The Antitrust Bulletin, vol. 62, no. 4, pp. 710-725.
    This article discusses several aspects of the Digital Economy. First, the data industry and the business conduct of the approaching Internet of Things are presented. Second, the current standardization efforts promoted by the European Commission are discussed, for example, what the challenges are, how much should be standardized, and how prestandard consortia should be judged. Third, current and future competition law issues for the Digital Economy, in reference to standardization, are identified. The article states joint technology consortia for upper-layer standards, i.e. in the ecosystems, should benefit from heightened scrunity under Article 101 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), while system leaders’ business conduct in the Digital Economy may be judged in reference to Article 102 TFEU. The article concludes that the main issue under general competition law in the Data Economy, at its current stage of development, is to create a level playing field by trying to facilitate the implementation of the Internet of Things. Thus, competition authorities should be cautious about the current ecosystem consortia driven standard-setting movement in the Digital Economy, while also facilitating the application of Article 102 TFEU when system leaders possibly abuse their dominance by not giving access to their respective ecosystems. (ProQuest)
  • Merzei, Peter ; Harkai, Istvan. Enforcement of copyrights over the Internet: a review of the recent ECJ case law // Journal of Internet Law, vol. 21, no. 4, pp. 12-27 
    […]the international harmonization of several issues was necessary, for example: the protection of computer programs and databases;5 the clarification of economic rights relating to Internet uses;6 the broadening of the scope of the three-step test to more/all limitations and exceptions;7 and the protection of digital rights management (DRM).8 Secondly, delegates understood that these new substantive norms, as well as pre-existing norms, would become obsolete without any effective law enforcement regulation. According to the Commission the adoption of blocking measures necessarily implies a restriction of human rights (…) and therefore, it can only be imposed by law, subject to the principle of proportionality, with respect to the legitimate aims pursued and to their necessity in a democratic society.27 The ECJ has been tasked with balancing these fundamental rights of copyright law and privacy/personal data in three significant cases. (ProQuest)
  • Micklitz, Hans-w; Paka, Przemysaw; Panagis, Yannis. The Empire Strikes Back: Digital Control of Unfair Terms of Online Services //  Journal of Consumer Policy, vol. 40, no. 3, pp. 367-388
    The authors argue that it is possible to partly automate the process of abstract control of fairness of clauses in online consumer contracts. The authors present a theoretical
    and empirical argument for this claim, including a brief presentation of the software they have designed. This type of automation would not replace human lawyers but would assist them and make their work more effective and efficient. Policy makers should direct their attention to the potential of using algorithmic techniques in enforcing the law regarding unfair contractual terms, and to facilitating research on and ultimately implementing such technologies. (ProQuest)
  • Renda, Andrea. Will the DSM Strategy Spur Innovation? // Intereconomics, 2017, no. 4, pp. 197-201
    The European Commission identified the completion of the Digital Single Market (DSM) as one of its ten priorities in 2014. This vision was then sharpened with an ambitious and comprehensive strategy document in May 2015, and was later translated into several policy initiatives, covering every layer of the digital ecosystem and a plethora of economic sectors.  All these actions will lead to a thorough overhaul of EU rules affecting the online economy, from the digital infrastructure to platforms, cybersecurity, ecommerce, copyright and media … (CEPS)
  • Sancho, Diana. The Concept of Establishment and Data Protection Law: Rethinking Establishment // European Law Review, vol. 42, no. 4, p. 491-508.
    The regulatory success of the concept of establishment results from its multifaceted nature. The concept provides the regulator with a versatile tool, able to adapt its meaning to the specific policy principles of the area of law in which it is used. This article analyses the data protection concept of establishment and examines the extent to which the new Data Protection Regulation perpetuates the status quo. It demonstrates how the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) has modernised the establishment notion with its landmark rulings, Google Spain and Weltimmo, and how these judgments have helped the term “establishment” make a legislative transition from the old Data Protection Directive to the new Data Protection Regulation. An analysis of the revised data protection concept of establishment on objective, territorial and subjective grounds shows that conditions now exist to support a higher degree of formality in the formulation of the constituent elements of establishment. As this concept remains substantial in essence, for establishment still requires both a certain structure through which (minimal) activity is conducted, future developments should be cautious in allowing the legal reach of the establishment to extend further, in particular, beyond its objective limits. (WestLaw)
  • Shenglin, Ben ; Simonelli, Felice ; Ruidong, Zhang ; Bosc, Romain ; Wenwei, LiDigital Infrastructure: Overcoming the digital divide in China and the European Union // CEPS Publications (2017)
    This study is the result of collaboration among a group of researchers from CEPS and Zhejiang University (ZJU), who decided to team up and analyse the experience of China and the EU in bridging the digital divide. While acknowledging that both China and Europe have undertaken major efforts to reduce socio-economic and geographical disparities by providing network access to ever more citizens, the authors found that investing in physical access alone is not sufficient to enhance inclusion in the information society. They argue that public authorities should also adopt corollary policies to spur social and economic cohesion through innovations that enable disadvantaged regions to catch up with more developed urban areas. In this context, the report calls upon governments to promote digital innovation and entrepreneurship, foster coordinated efforts and adapt their educational systems to the changing labour market. (CEPS)
  • Shenglin, Ben ; Simonelli, Felice ; Ruidong, Zhang ; Bosc, Romain ; Wenwei, LiDigital Infrastructure: Overcoming the digital divide in emerging economies // CEPS Publications (2017)
    Ever since the internet first began to be commercialised globally in the 1990s, the debate on how to close the digital divide has attracted widespread attention. This Policy Brief reviews the literature on the digital divide in emerging economies with a view to explaining: 1) how internet connectivity promotes social and economic inclusiveness, efficiency and innovation; 2) why the physical access to the internet alone is insufficient to capture the full benefits of digital technology and what other social conditions should be considered; and 3) how to further connect the unconnected population. (CEPS)
  • Senftleben, Martin ; Kerk, Maximilian ; Buiten, Miriam; Heine, Klaus. New Rights or New Business Models? An Inquiry into the Future of Publishing in the Digital Era // IIC – International Review of Intellectual Property and Competition Law, vol. 48, no. 5, pp 538–561
    In its Proposal for a Directive on Copyright in the Digital Single Market, the European Commission included a new neighbouring right for press publishers with regard to the digital use of their publications “to ensure quality journalism and citizens’ access to information.” (European Commission, 14 September 2016, Proposal for a Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council on Copyright in the Digital Single Market, Doc. COM(2016) 593 final, Art. 11(1) and Recital 31.) Undoubtedly, a free and pluralist press is one of the cornerstones of democratic societies. The question is, however, whether this goal can be achieved by adopting an additional layer of protection. From an economic perspective, it seems essential that publishers, including press publishers, develop new business models in the digital environment. To ensure the survival of quality journalism, it is of utmost importance to support the transition to new business models that has already started in the publishing sector. Hence, the question arises whether the proposal of a new neighbouring right is a legislative initiative that makes sense against this background. To answer this question, the following inquiry will first provide an economic analysis of new business models in the publishing industry. On this basis, it becomes possible to assess the proposal of a new neighbouring right in the light of the need to develop new business models that are sustainable in the digital environment. The analysis will show that the introduction of a new neighbouring right is unlikely to offer support in this respect. Instead, it may even impede or delay necessary modernization steps. (Springer)

  • Solarte-Vasquez, Maria Claudia ; Nyman-Metcalf, Katrin. Smart Contracting: A Multidisciplinary and Proactive Approach for the EU Digital Single Market // Baltic Journal of European Studies (2017) vol. 7, no. 2 (23), pp. 208-246.
    Smart contracting (SC) is a proactive proposal to operationalize the relational contract theory for the upgrade and improvement of legally relevant exchange. The dynamic institutional environment of the European Union (EU) is a suitable framework for this proposal. SC addresses the interests of the business management, law and information technology practices with a perspective of influence in digital exchange, communication processes and other human and human-machine interactions. This position paper restates the advantages of the concept by highlighting the practical transition pathway SC offers to moderate the growing haste towards the embeddedness of exchange in automated and distributed models. This theoretical contribution supports the systematization of the proactive and legal design research field, and explains the characterization, operationalization and specification of the SC concept. (DOAJ)
  • Van Camp, Stefan ; Bouyon, Sylvain. Introduction of a lifespan guarantee in the proposed online sales and digital content directives: Impact assessment of substantial amendments // European Parliamentary Research Service (2017) October.
    This study carries out an ex-ante impact assessment of substantial amendments put forward by the IMCO and JURI Committees of the European Parliament, which would introduce a commercial lifespan guarantee in the proposed online sales and digital content Directives. It analyses the impact of these proposed amendments through the development of specific policy options. Two non-legislative options, implying that none of the amendments are implemented, are first assessed: an Option zero and a soft law approach (Option 1). Three distinct legislative options are also defined, by integrating specific aspects of the amendments: Option 2 (subjective duration of lifespan), Option 3 (normal duration of lifespan) and Option 4 (binding technical standards for the determination of the lifespan) For each legislative option, two sub-options are developed by considering liability solely on the manufacturer (2a, 3a and 4a), or joint liability with the trader (2b, 3b and 4b). The key findings of the impact assessment reveal that the preferred options are Options 2 and 4. The former is certainly less ambitious than the latter and would result in less benefit overall, but it would also involve less cost and, contrary to Option 4, could be implemented within a relatively short period of time. (CEPS)
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  • Alm, Emanuelle ; Colliander, Niclas ; Deforche, Filiep ; Sthone, Ville ; Sundström, Olof. Digitizing Europe. Why Norhern European frontrunner must drive digitization of the EU economy // The Boston Consulting Group.
    Europe’s digital frontrunner countries must make faster and broader digitization a top priority and provide strong European leadership at the highest political levels to guide cooperation across nations to secure future growth and employment. Digitization constitutes a transformative shift in technology across industry and society in general. While the positive impact of digitization is expected to benefit the entire continent, some EU nations stand to gain more than others and therefore should help pull Europe toward a more digitized economy for the benefit of all. These same nations also have more to lose from a lack of progress in European digitization. (BCG)
  • Dalli, Hubert ; Caruso, Giulia. Geo-blocking in the Digital Single Market // European Parliamentary Resarch Service. Briefing: Initial Apprisal of a European Commission Impact Assesment (2016) September.
    Impact Assessment (SWD(2016) 173, SWD(2016) 174 (summary)) of a Commission proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on addressing geo-blocking and other forms of discrimination based on place of residence or establishment or nationality within the Single Market (COM(2016) 289 final).
  • Füg, Oliver. At the digital Nexus: Publishing meets the Single Market // Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies. Vol. 22 (2016), nr. 5, lk. 478-483.
    The project of a Single Market without borders has been key to European integration from its outset. While digitisation appears to remove borders with greater ease than any preceding technological development, the free circulation of content has not yet become reality. This article situates the European Commission’s Digital Single Market Strategy of 2015 in its historical context and, against a portrayal of the impact of digitisation on the publishing trade, explains how the Strategy interfaces with sectoral challenges. Its transversal nature is argued to create new opportunities for readers and publishers in both physical and digital content delivery and access. (Sage Journals Onlines)
  • Layton, Roslyn. Telecoms Investment IN FOCUS: 3 Steps to Create a Broadband Infrastructure for a Digital Europe // Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies (2016).
    In the early 2000s, it appeared that the European Union would continue to lead the world in telecommunications. It accounted for the largest share of private investment in telecommunications infrastructure;it had six handset manufacturers accounting for more than half of the world’s phones; and a continental agreement on 3G/UMTS which became the global mobile standard. But the EU’s lead was short lived. Instead the US and Asia emerged. Today there are no more European handset manufacturers. 4G eclipsed 3G. The US is on track to have half of all its mobile broadband subscriptions as 4G by the end of 2016, while Europe will struggle to reach 30 percent. There is over€100 billion of additional investment required to achieve the Commission’s Digital Agenda goals. (Wilfried Martens Centre)
  • Madiega, Tambiama. Geo-blocking and discrimination among customers in the EU // European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Sevice. Briefing: EU Legistlation in Progress (2016) Juuli.
    Geo-blocking practices commonly restrict cross-border sales of tangible goods as well as of electronically supplied services and electronically delivered content services in the EU. The Commission has therefore proposed a regulation which would prohibit traders from blocking access to their online interfaces to customers in another Member State or from automatically re-routing them to a different website for reasons related to the customers’ nationality, place of residence or place of establishment. Foreign customers should be offered the same terms and conditions as local customers. However, audiovisual services would not be covered, with the Commission proposing to address them under the forthcoming copyright reform. While the proposal has been broadly welcomed, a number of specific issues have been raised by stakeholders and scholars.
  • Mazziotti, Giuseppe ; Simonelli, Felice. Regulation on ‘cross-border portability’ of online content services: Roaming for Netflix or the end of copyright territoriality? // CEPS Commentary (2016)
    In a communication to the Parliament and the Council entitled “Towards a modern, more European copyright framework” and dated 9 December 2015,1 the European Commission confirmed its intention to progressively remove the main obstacles to the functioning of the Digital Single Market for copyrighted works. The first step of this long-term plan, which was first announced in Juncker’s Political Guidelines2 and the Communication on “A Digital Single Market strategy for Europe”,3 is a proposal for a regulation aimed at ensuring the so-called ‘cross-border portability’ of online services giving access to content such as music, games, films and sporting events.4 In a nutshell, the proposed regulation seeks to enable consumers with legal access to such online content services in their country of residence to use the same services also when they are in another member state for a limited period of time. On the one hand, this legislative proposal has the full potential to resolve the (limited) issue of portability, which stems from the national dimension of copyright and the persisting territorial licensing and distribution of copyright content.5 On the other hand, as this commentary shows, the ambiguity of certain important provisions in the proposed regulation might affect its scope and effectiveness and contribute to the erosion of the principle of copyright territoriality. (CEPS)
  • Plucinska, Joanna. Death of the dial tone. // Politico (2016) Vol. 2, No. 34, September 22-28, lk. 22.
  • Sarikakis, Katharine ; Kolokytha, Olga ; Rozgonyi, Krisztina. Copyright (and) Culture: the governanceof audiovisual archives // Info. Vol. 18 (2016), nr. 6, lk. 42 – 54.
    This paper asks the following research question: What are the policy dynamics of copyright regulation for digital audiovisual (AV) archives in Europe and what is their potential impact? The paper aims to discuss the social relevance of archives, European cultural policies targeting operationalisation of these archives and underpinnings and sought implementation of copyright policies. (Emerald Insight)
  • Stalla-Bourdillon, Sophie et al. A Brief Exegesis of the Proposed Copyright Directive // SSRN (2016)
    The recently proposed new Copyright Directive was released on 14 September 2016. It has been described by EU law-makers as the pillar of the copyright package promised by the European Commission (EC), to be delivered before the end of Mr. Juncker’s mandate. In its Communication of 6 May 2015, the EC had stressed “the importance to enhance cross-border access to copyright-protected content services, facilitate new uses in the fields of research and education, and clarify the role of online services in the distribution of works and other subject-matter.” The proposed Copyright Directive is thus a key measure aiming to address two of these three issues. (SSRN)
  • Zech, Herbert. A legal framework for a data economy in the European Digital Single Market: rights to use data // Journal of Intellectual Property Law and Practice. Vol. 11 (2016), nr. 6, lk. 460 -470.
    In the Digital Single Market Strategy for Europe (DSMS) the Commission outlines possible legal approaches to the challenges of digitization. It explicitly mentions ‘ownership’ respectively ‘rights to use data’ as an aspect. This gives rise to the question of data ownership. (Oxford University Press Journals)
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  • Arnerstål, Stojan. Licensing digital content in a sale of goods context // Journal of Intellectual Property Law and Practice. Vol. 10 (2015), nr. 10, lk. 750 -758.
    In the recent Digital Single Market Strategy for Europe, COM(2015) 192 final, the Commission disclosed that by the end of 2015 it would make a legislative proposal on simple and effective cross-border rules for consumers and businesses, including harmonized EU rules for online purchases of digital content. The DSM Strategy does not elaborate on how these rules will regulate the sale or licensing of copyright-protected digital content. However, an idea of what is about to come can be found in the Commission’s proposal for a Regulation on a Common European Sales Law, COM(2011) 635 final (the CESL), since the DSM Strategy explicitly refers to the CESL proposal. This article discusses the implications of the CESL in relation to distribution of digital content. Given that the CESL primarily is designed for sale of goods, it is arguable whether it is appropriate to apply such general principles of contract law to online transactions of digital content, ie copyright-protected works. (Oxford University Press Journals)
  • Madiega, Tambiama. Digital Single Market and Geo-blocking // European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Sevice. At a glance (2015) Mai.
    On 6 May 2015 the European Commission unveiled its Digital Single Market Strategy with which, inter alia, it intends to remove barriers to e-commerce across Europe. One such barrier is ‘geo- blocking’, that is commercial practices that prevent or restrict customers from accessing or purchasing a product or a service online, thereby adversely affecting cross-border e-commerce in the EU.
  • Renda, Andrea ; Simonelli, Felice ; Luchetta, Giacomo. Policy Options for Improving the Functioning and Efficiency of the Digital Single Market in the Field of Copyright // CEPS Special Report. No. 121/November 2015.
    This study explores the existing policy problems and the possible options for reforming the EU copyright framework as provided by EU Directive 29/2001 on Copyright in the Information Society (InfoSoc Directive) and related legislation, with a specific focus on the need to strengthen the Internal Market for creative content. We find two main policy problems: i) the  absence of a Digital Single Market for creative works; and ii) the increasing tension between the current system of exceptions and limitations and the legal treatment of emerging uses of copyrighted content in the online environment. Without prejudicing a future impact assessment that might focus on more specific and detailed policy options, our analysis suggests that ‘more Europe’ would be needed in the field of copyright, given the existing sources of productive, allocative and dynamic efficiency associated with the current system. Looking at copyright from an Internal Market perspective would, in this respect, also help to address many of the shortcomings in the current framework, which undermine legal certainty and industrial policy goals. (CEPS)
  • Szczepański, Marcin. A Digital Single Market Strategy for Europe // European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Sevice. Briefing: Tracking European Commission priority initiatives in 2015, nr. 3.
    The European Parliament has been a long-standing advocate of ending the current fragmentation of the European market and utilising the full potential of an integrated digital market which would create jobs and growth in the EU. Implementation of the new strategy will require a number of new pieces of EU legislation to be adopted by the European Parliament and Council under the ordinary legislative procedure.
  • Tobias, James. What you need to know about the digital single market // Managing Intellectual Property. (2015) November.
    The European Commission is pushing ahead with the digital single market, despite serious concerns in the audiovisual industry. James Tobias sets out the developments so far, and what is likely to happen next. (ProQuest Research Library)

Raamatud

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  • EU economic law in a time of crisis / edited by Harri Kalimo, Max S. Jansson. -Cheltenham, UK ; Northampton, MA, USA : Elgar, c2016. -205 lk.
    ‘EU intellectual property rights law – driving innovation or stifling the Digital Single Market?’ pp. 151-163.

Internet Sources

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Internet Sources
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  • Blackman, Colin ; Forge, Simon. Data Flows – Future Scenarios // Directorate General for Internal Policies. Policy Department A: Economic and Scientific Policy (2017)

2016

  • Bienias, Michał ; Schulte-Nölke, Hans ; Suilmann, Anne-Katrin ; Wiewiorowska-Domagalska Aneta. European digital guarantee // Directorate General for Internal Policies. Policy Department A: Economic and Scientific Policy (2016)
  • Blackman, Colin ; Forge, Simon. European Leadership in 5G // Directorate General for Internal Policies. Policy Department A: Economic and Scientific Policy (2016)

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  • Cloud Computing // Directorate General for Internal Policies. Policy Department A: Economic and Scientific Policy (2012)
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Documents

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  • A Digital Single Market Strategy for Europe: analysis and evidence (SWD(2015) 100 final)
     
  • Estonia's European Union Policy 2015-2019
     
  • A Europe fit for the digital age is one of European Commissions priorities for 2019-2024.
     
  • A Digital Single Market for Europe: Commission sets out 16 initiatives to make it happen
     
  • EurLex Summaries of EU Legislation: Digital Single Market 
     
  • European Commission. Digital Single Market: Laws about Copyright 
     
  • European Parliament legislative resolution of 6 February 2018 on the proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on addressing geo-blocking and other forms of discrimination based on customers' nationality, place of residence or place of establishment within the internal market and amending Regulation (EC) No 2006/2004 and Directive 2009/22/EC (COM(2016)0289 — C8-0192/2016 — 2016/0152(COD)
     
  • REGULATION (EU) 2016/679 OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND OF THE COUNCIL of 27 April 2016 on the protection of natural persons with regard to the processing of personal data and on the free movement of such data, and repealing Directive 95/46/EC (General Data Protection Regulation)
     
  • European Parliament resolution of 9 July 2015 on the implementation of Directive 2001/29/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 22 May 2001 on the harmonisation of certain aspects of copyright and related rights in the information society (2014/2256(INI))
     
  • P7_TA(2012)0468 Completing the digital single market European Parliament resolution of 11 December 2012 on completing the Digital Single Market (2012/2030(INI)) (2015/C 434/01)
     
  • COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE COUNCIL, THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE AND THE COMMITTEE OF THE REGIONS. A Digital Agenda for Europe (COM(2010) 245 final/2)
     
  • COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE COUNCIL, THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE AND THE COMMITTEE OF THE REGIONS A Digital Single Market Strategy for Europe {SWD(2015) 100 final} (COM(2015) 192 final)
     
  • COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE COUNCIL, THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE AND THE COMMITTEE OF THE REGIONS Commission Work Programme. 2015 A New Start (COM/2014/0910 final)
     
  • COMMISSION COMMUNICATION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE COUNCIL, THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE AND THE COMMITTEE OF THE REGIONS A coherent framework for building trust in the Digital Single Market for e-commerce and online services (COM/2011/0942 final)
     
  • COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE COUNCIL, THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE AND THE COMMITTEE OF THE REGIONS Single Market Act Twelve levers to boost growth and strengthen confidence "Working together to create new growth" (COM/2011/0206 final)
     
  • COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE COUNCIL, THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE AND THE COMMITTEE OF THE REGIONS Single Market Act II Together for new growth (COM/2012/0573 final)
     
  • Europe 2020: the European Union strategy for growth and employment (COM/2010/2020 final)
     
  • COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION On content in the Digital Single Market (COM(2012) 789 final)
     
  • THE EUROPEAN COMMITTEE OF THE REGIONS Resolution on the priorities for the 2016 work programme of the European Commission (2015/C 313/04)
     
  • COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT. Regulatory Fitness and Performance Programme REFIT and the 10 Priorities of the Commission (SWD(2016) 400 final)
    Priority 2: A CONNECTED DIGITAL SINGLE MARKET
     
  • COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY OF THE IMPACT ASSESSMENT Accompanying the document proposal for a REGULATION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND OF THE COUNCIL on adressing geo-blocking and other forms of discriminiation based on place of residence or establishment or nationality within the Single Market (SWD(2016) 174 final)
     
  • COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT IMPACT ASSESSMENT Accompanying the document proposal for a REGULATION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND OF THE COUNCIL on adressing geo-blocking and other forms of discriminiation based on place of residence or establishment or nationality within the Single Market (SWD(2016) 173 final)
     
  • COM (2016) 287: Proposal for a DIRECTIVE OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND OF THE COUNCIL amending Directive 2010/13/EU on the coordination of certain provisions laid down by law, regulation or administrative action in Member States concerning the provision of audiovisual media services in view of changing market realities
     
  • P8_TA(2017)0052 European Cloud Initiative European Parliament resolution of 16 February 2017 on the European Cloud Initiative (2016/2145(INI)) (2018/C 252/26)
     
  • COM (2015) 634: Proposal for a DIRECTIVE OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND OF THE COUNCIL on certain aspects concerning contracts for the supply of digital content
     
  • European Parliament. Fact Sheets on the European Union: Digital Agenda for Europe 
     
  • European Parliament. Fact Sheets on the European Union: Audiovisual and media policy
     
  • Nordic-Baltic Ministerial Conference on Digitalisation. Ministerial Declaration: The Nordic-Baltic region: a digital frontrunner. April 24-25, 2017, Oslo, Norway
     
  • European Commission, DG CONNECT H2. Workshop on digitising the energy value chain (February 2018)
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Tallinn University of Technology (TalTech)

  • Vanhanen, Leeni Irina. Lobbying in the European Union  – Would the TTIP Increase the Democratic Deficit in the European Union? : bakalaureusetöö / juhendaja: David Ramiro Troitino ; Tallinna Tehnikaülikool, majandusteaduskond, rahvusvaheliste suhete instituut, rahvusvaheliste suhete ja politoloogia õppetool. – Tallinn : Tallinna Tehnikaülikool, 2015.

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Full texts are available for registered users of National Library of Estonia if logged into search portal. Some journals apply an annual access restriction to full electronic texts. To read full texts with restricted access write to us at elik@nlib.ee.

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  • Caiani, Manuela ; Graziani, Paolo. Europeanisation and social movements: The case of the Stop TTIP campaign // European Journal of Political Research (2018) nr 4, lk. 1031-1055.
    Over the past years, the economic crisis has significantly challenged the ways through which social movements have conceptualised and interacted with European Union institutions and policies. Although valuable research on the Europeanisation of movements has already been conducted, finding moderate numbers of Europeanised protests and actors, more recent studies on the subject have been limited to austerity measures and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) has been investigated more from a trade unions’ or an international relations perspective. In this article, the TTIP is used as a very promising case study to analyse social movements’ Europeanisation – that is, their capacity to mobilise referring to European issues, targets and identities. Furthermore, the TTIP is a crucial test case because it concerns a policy area (foreign trade) which falls under the exclusive competence of the EU. In addition, political opportunities for civil society actors are ‘closed’ in that negotiations are kept ‘secret’ and discussed mainly within the European Council, and it is difficult to mobilise a large public on such a technical issue. So why and how has this movement become ‘Europeanised’? This comparative study tests the Europeanisation hypothesis with a protest event analysis on anti‐TTIP mobilisation in six European countries (Italy, Spain, France, the United Kingdom, Germany and Austria) at the EU level in the period 2014–2016 (for a total of 784 events) and uses semi‐structured interviews in Brussels with key representatives of the movement and policy makers. The findings show that there is strong adaptation of social movements to multilevel governance – with the growing presence of not only purely European actors, but also European targets, mobilisations and transnational movement networks – with a ‘differential Europeanisation’. Not only do the paths of Europeanisation vary from country to country (and type of actor), but they are also influenced by the interplay between the political opportunities at the EU and domestic levels. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Jacur, Francesca Romanin. Corporate Social Responsibility in Recent Bilateral and Regional Free Trade Agreements: An Early Assessment // European Foreign Affairs Review (2018) nr 4, lk. 465–483.
    This contribution first examines the approach and the provisions of selected bilateral and regional FTAs that are relevant for the protection of human and social rights and the environment. It then analyses one of the latest developments in this decade-long normative evolution, which are the CSR clauses included in the more recent FTAs concluded by the European Union. While these clauses, for the time being, are rather programmatic and are coupled with soft implementation mechanisms, some reflections are proposed de lege ferenda on how they could ‘harden’ and become more stringent. (Paberväljaanne)
  • Korenica, Fisnik (et al.)  TTIP’s judicature in the light of Opinion 2/13 // European Public Law (2018) nr. 1, lk. 73–97.
    The adjudication of disputes by a TTIP-established tribunal immediately brings to the fore implications from Opinion 2/13 by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). However, general proposition remains that no TTIP tribunal can obstruct the autonomy of EU law. Opinion 2/13 establishes the substance of EU legal autonomy, whose ‘characteristics include those relating to the constitutional structure of the EU, which is seen in the principle of conferral of powers referred to in Articles 4(1) TEU and 5(1) and (2) TEU, and in the institutional framework established in Articles 13 TEU to 19 TEU’.
    These TTIP’s adjudicative structures will therefore be examined in the light of these bases. The most important part of the analysis on the TTIP in the view of Opinion 2/13 thus relates to the scope and structure of the jurisdiction of its adjudicative mechanisms. Given that the establishment of tribunals relates to rule on measures impacting EU companies and/or citizens, these two bodies must be assessed for their potential impact on EU legal autonomy. Opinion 2/13 forms the cornerstone decision from which to build an examination of this relationship. (Paberväljaanne)
  • O´Neill, Michael. Challenges to the Western Liberal Order: The End of ‘the West’? // Journal of European Integration History (2018) nr 2, lk. 293 – 316.
    The liberal order that prevailed in the West after the end of the Second World War has recently been challenged from within as much as by external forces. The liberal internationalism and liberal democratic politics that defined the idea of ‘The West’ is now threatened on several fronts: by insurgent politics, not least the Brexit vote in the United Kingdom; by economic and ideological challenges to its role as the singular paradigm of globalization; and most recently by unilateralism from the present incumbent of the White House. Turbulent politics raises serious questions about the capacity of the Western liberal order to survive. Some commentators assert that to claim this is ‘crisis’ is exaggeration. Yet there is a case to answer. (Nomos eLibrary)
  • Steiner, Nils D. Attitudes towards the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership in the European Union: The treaty partner heuristic and issue attention // European Union Politics (2018) nr. 2 lk. 255–277.
    Why has the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partisanship met with strong public resistance among some Europeans and in some European Union member states, but not in others? This article argues that one important perspective to explain the pattern of support for TTIP is the role of heuristic opinion formation and issue attention. Analysing multiple waves of Eurobarometer data, I find that views of the two treaty partners, the US and the European Union, shape attitudes towards TTIP and that the largely post-materialist concerns over TTIP resonated specifically in those European countries whose citizens’ attention was less focused on economic issues. In showing how opinions towards concrete real-world trade policy proposals are shaped by the political context, these findings complement previous research on citizens’ general stances towards trade. (Sage Journals Online)
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  • Bongardt, Annette ; Torres, Francisco. Comprehensive Trade Agreements: Conditioning Globalisation or Eroding the European Model? // Intereconomics (2017) nr. 3.
    Trade dynamics within the EU are presently pushing it towards deepening globalisation through bilateral comprehensive trade agreements which establish far-reaching rules that govern the bilateral trade relationship. The European Commission has defended these agreements as a vehicle through which to promote world trade in accordance with European values and norms.
    However, the theory of fiscal federalism and the principle of subsidiarity tell us that one should not centralise decisions at the supranational level which are better taken at the national or regional level when there are different preferences among countries or regions. Consequently, member state and regional competences ought not to be perceived as a mere obstacle to swift trade deals. Rather, they can provide an important checks and balances function with regard to whether EU trade policy is truly working to condition globalisation according to European values and preferences. [Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Buonnano, Laurie A.  The new trade deals and the mobilisation of civil society organizations: comparing EU and US responses // Journal of European Integration (2017) nr. 7, lk. 795-809.
    This paper examines mobilisation of civil society organizations (CSOs), focusing primarily on the highly-contested politics engendered by the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), by posing the question, ‘how can we account for strong opposition to TTIP in the EU, while being nearly non-existent in the US?’ It is argued that European CSO opposition to TTIP and mobilisation of European public opinion against TTIP can be traced to the European Commission’s employment of myths – specifically a green, social, and humanitarian Europe in a process of ‘othering’ to build a sense of European national identity. Salient issues in transatlantic trade and regulatory capacity both factor into CSO opposition, themselves also a function of myth making, but also a product of the EU’s governance system. It will be difficult for the EU to accommodate and appease such oppositional groups because of perceptions among many Europeans that Americans tolerate lower regulatory protections. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • De Bièvre, Dirk ; Poletti, Arlo. Why the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is not (so) new, and why it is also not (so) bad // Journal of European Public Policy (2017) nr 10, lk. 1506-1521.
    De Ville and Siles-Brügge (2016) argue that the politics of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations are entirely new and that it will lead to ‘regulatory chill’. We think these two statements are untenable from a logical and empirical standpoint. While distributive political conflict is relatively absent because of firms’ integration into global value chains, civil society organizations voice value-based opposition to the prospective agreement, just like in the past. TTIP is also unlikely to undermine contracting parties’ ability to regulate the market to promote fundamental social values, because regulatory convergence is generally decided upon in a piece-meal fashion, and is subject to a super-majoritarian (dis)approval threshold in the Council, the European Parliament and national parliaments. Moreover, we show why it is plausible to expect TTIP to result in an upgrading of world trade rules, a benign development on the global level. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Dominguez, Roberto. TTIP: contentious market regulation // Journal of European Integration (2017) nr. 7, lk. 859-874.
    Based on the extensive literature in the area of historical institutionalism and regulation, this article embarks on the discussion about the concept of contentious market regulation and argues that the negotiations for a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) are emblematic of a new generation of trade liberalization. Since the negotiations started, however, the TTIP has faced the main challenge has been how to bridge the gap between the initial consensus for boosting transatlantic economic growth through trade and the increasing contestation conveyed by several actors during the negotiation process. The article finds four main factors defining the interaction between the array of players involved in the TTIP negotiation process. First, the resilience of negotiators and regulators to efficiently advance the transatlantic agenda by adapting to new demands (investment court), finding alternatives to internal resistances (federal means of liberalizing public procurement), and continuing working on technical regulations for improving market competition in the transatlantic area (automotive sector). Second, the disagreements and polarizations within the legislative bodies as well as the public opinion and social movements on both side of the Atlantic, undermining the legitimacy of the negotiation process. Third, the increasing hesitation from decision-makers to continue the TTIP negotiations, potentially eroding the effectiveness of negotiators to reached an agreement. Fourth, the more interconnected trend among preferential trade talks. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Eliasson, Leif Johan ; García-Duran, Patricia. Why TTIP is an unprecedented geopolitical game-changer, but not a Polanyian moment Journal of European Public Policy (2017) nr 10, lk.1522-1533.
    This contribution argues that the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) is unprecedented, not because it constitutes a Polanyian moment, but rather because it offers an alternative to multilateralism through the World Trade Organization (WTO). Never before has bilateralism offered such a ‘best alternative to no agreement’ (BATNA) to members of the core decision-making body of the WTO negotiating arm, making TTIP an unprecedented geopolitical game-changer. The anti-TTIP campaign, however, has not been driven by concerns with either geopolitics or trade liberalization, but rather fears about the European Union’s (EU’s) bargaining power. By strategically focusing on the potential impact on public policy and safety standards, normative arguments promulgated by opponents reflect concerns with perceived threats to the status quo and a willingness to preserve the same. The United States is presented (implicitly) as more powerful than the EU, and therefore perceived as able to impose its preferences, which are considered too neoliberal. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Hübner, Kurt ; Deman, Anne-Sophie ; Balik, Tugce. EU and trade policy-making: the contentious case of CETA // Journal of European Integration (2017) nr. 7, lk. 843-857.
    The final version of the Comprehensive Economic Trade Agreement (CETA) between the European Union (EU) and Canada represents the archetype for new trade regimes. Ratification, however, has become an increasingly contentious issue for the EU. We argue that while CETA was pushed by a coalition of sectoral actors, the support for such an agreement increasingly dwindled. This is due to a vehement anti-FTA sentiment across the EU, propagated by the onset of Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership negotiations. We state as paradox that the Commission insisted to include the Canadian provinces in order to secure the operation of an agreement and at the same time neglected its own weak political power to settle the agreement. CETA came into being but may not become the comprehensive agreement as it was being negotiated as the investment chapter may run into ratification problems by a small number of member states. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Jančić, Davor. TTIP and legislative‒executive relations in EU trade policy // West European Politics (2017) nr. 1, lk. 202-221.
    This paper analyses Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations in order to assess how the move towards tighter economic integration within the EU‒US strategic partnership impacts on legislative‒executive relations in EU trade policy. The analysis examines the institutional, substantive and party political dimensions of national parliaments’ scrutiny of the Common Commercial Policy.
    Based on insights into both domestic and EU channels of parliamentary monitoring of TTIP negotiations, the paper argues that, although the government remains the central object of democratic control, the involvement of national parliaments in transatlantic trade extends to encompass the EU’s own transatlantic and trade policies. This is rooted in the legislatures’ legal capacity to constrain the executive in the negotiation, conclusion and, where applicable, ratification phases of EU trade agreements. It is argued that national parliamentary influence takes the shape of politicisation of the legitimacy of the expected policy outcomes of these agreements. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Laursen, Finn ; Roederer-Rynning, Christilla. Introduction: the new EU FTAs as contentious market regulation // Journal of European Integration (2017) nr. 7, lk. 763 – 779.
    EU trade policy is in flux. This reflects various developments, chief among them: the deepening of the global trade liberalisation agenda, the EU’s own constitutional recasting of the Common Commercial Policy, and the politicization of trade. The purpose of this special issue is to analyse the changing politics of trade in the EU, focusing on the EU FTAs with Korea, the US, Canada, and Japan. We propose to view the negotiations of these agreements through the lens of contentious market regulation. This approach takes the regulatory turn in trade seriously, and sheds light on its ramifications for the mobilisation of new actors and the involvement of parliaments in the politics of trade. After tracing the development of the new EU FTAs and discussing the specificity of the EU’s approach to deepened liberalisation, the article presents the framework of contentious market regulation and the individual contributions to the special issue. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Organ, James. EU citizen participation, openness and the European Citizens Initiative: The TTIP legacy // Common Market Law Review (2017) nr. 6, lk. 1713–1747.
    This paper analyses the European Citizens Initiative, consultation, and transparency in the context of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations, to assess what it tells us about EU citizen participation and the principle of openness. It focuses on the institutional mediation of citizen participation and the degree to which the Commission facilitates such participation and accepts citizen influence over policy-making in EU external affairs. Three categories of openness are used in the analysis: institutional transparency with little or no participation; a democratically weak institutional approach as a means to improve the effectiveness of governance and support existing policy; and thirdly an institutional acceptance of effective citizen participation that facilitates citizen influence over agenda-setting. It is argued that the Commission has made some progress during TTIP in terms of transparency, but that the Commission does not take a strongly democratic position on citizen participation in external affairs. It only engages with citizens as passive actors who can support the effectiveness of EU governance.  (Paberväljaanne)
  • Pelkmans, Jacques. Business dimensions of EU´s new FTAs // Journal of European Integration (2017) nr. 7, lk. 781-794.
    Recent Free Trade Area (FTA) agreements of the EU are ‘deep and comprehensive’. This can be explained by the various and complex ‘trading costs’ that business encounters when accessing a foreign market and which business is keen to reduce as much as possible. The paper examines what ‘deep and comprehensive’ means more precisely in four EU FTAs: CETA and EU/Korea, and two FTAs that have not yet been completed (TTIP and EU/Japan). It provides a tentative explanation of the nature of these four modern EU FTAs by taking a closer look at the business dimension, in particular transnational value chains in some prominent sectors, the growing importance of services and inter-sectoral linkages. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Roederer-Rynning, Christilla ; Kallestrup, Morten. National parliaments and the new contentiousness of trade // Journal of European Integration (2017) nr. 7, lk. 811-825.
    Rather than becoming obsolete, national parliaments have come back obstinately in the politics of trade. This article develops this proposition and explores its contribution to the idea of twenty first-century trade as contentious market regulation. Contra the Lisbon Treaty, national parliaments’ assertion entrenches the role of domestic actors in the EU trade liberalisation policy, and fleshes out its multi-level parliamentary bases. We discuss the role, drivers, and patterns of parliamentary assertion and explore parliamentary assertion using preliminary survey and case study material. We find that the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership negotiations represented the tipping-point of parliamentary assertion. Through interpretation and political engagement, national parliaments have forged a role for themselves that was unforeseen in the Lisbon Treaty: weighing in on the policy-making and the ratification processes. In Europe, parliamentary assertion reflected the twin impact of a changing global trade agenda and the centralisation of the EU trade policy regime. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Siles-Brügge, Gabriel ; De Ville, Ferdi. Why TTIP is a game-changer and its critics have a point // Journal of European Public Policy (2017) nr. 10, lk. 1491-1505.
    The heated scholarly and public debate on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) has centred predominantly on two questions. Firstly, is there something particularly special about TTIP, other than the fact that it involves the world’s largest trading partners? And, secondly, is the concern about TTIP’s deleterious effects justified? The starting point for our argument is that understanding an agreement like TTIP requires an emphasis on the socially constructed nature of reality. TTIP is ultimately novel in terms of the regulatory scope of its provisions, and it is problematic because it subtly promotes the (socially constructed) interests of those who merely see regulation as inefficient ‘red tape’. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Young, Alasdair R. European trade policy in interesting times // Journal of European Integration (2017) nr. 7, lk. 909-923.
    This article draws out the implications of the other contributions to this special issue and reflects on their implications for the development of the European Union’s trade policy. It makes three main arguments. First, intense popular opposition to (some) trade agreements has disrupted the EU’s efforts to manage the tensions among the objectives of policy-making efficiency, policy effectiveness and political legitimacy. Second, public opposition to trade agreements is profoundly shaped by how the threat from trade has been framed. Third, the politics of different free trade agreements are even more interconnected than has been previously acknowledged. Taken together these arguments mean that EU trade policy is being made in particularly ‘interesting times’ and is, therefore, especially challenging. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
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Legal Issues of Economic Integration (2016), nr  4, pühendatud Atlandi-ülesele kaubandus- ja investeerimispartnerluse lepingule

  • Situating TTIP in the external relations of the EU. – lk. 323.
  • Fahey, Elaine. On the Benefits of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) Negotiations for the EU Legal Order: A Legal Perspective. – lk. 327.
  • Takacs, Tamara. Situating the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (negotiations) in European Union Common Commercial Policy. – lk. 341.
  • Ortino, Frederico. Defining Indirect Expropriation: The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and the (Elusive) Search for `Greater Certainty`. – lk. 351.
  • Baetens, Freya. The European Union´s Proposed Investment Court System: Addressing Criticism of Investor-State Arbitration While Raising New Challenges. – lk. 367.
  • Hijmans, Hielke. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and the Developments in the Area of Privacy and Data Protection. – lk. 385.
  • Gruni, Giovanni. Law or Aspiration? The European Union Proposal for a Labour Standards Clause in the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. – lk. 399.
  • Bourgeois, Jacques H. J. Is Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership a Regional Contribution to Global Economic Governance? – lk. 407.
  • Larik, Joris. Critiquing the Tranatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP): Systemic Consequences for Global Governance and the Rule of Law. – lk. 423.

 

European Foreign Affairs Review (2016), nr 3, pühendatud Atlandi-ülesele kaubandus- ja investeerimispartnerluse lepingule

  • Malmström, Cecilia. The Case for an Ambitious Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and Sustainable Trade. – lk. 315–317.
  • Gstöhl, Sieglinde ; Monar, Jörg ; Neuwahl, Nanette. Introduction to the 20th Anniversary Issue of the European Foreign Affairs Review Transatlantic Leadership in a Global Perspective: Challenges and Opportunities. – lk. 319–327.
  • Henrikson, Alan K. Historical Forms of US-European Cooperation: Combination or ‘Only’ Coordination?. – lk. 329–354.
    A review of the historic modalities – potential and actual, proposed and real – of transatlantic cooperation reveals a basic difference between two forms: the one tending towards combination of resources and effort, implying a federal or some other kind of formal organization, even nominal ‘union’; the other favouring, instead, coordination, allowing for independence of action but nonetheless encouraging practical partnership in many areas of policy and also geographic places. A ‘structural’ approach to strengthening transatlantic leadership, which the author himself supports, does not necessarily imply an elaborate architecture. What it does require, beyond formation of a Leadership Group (however named and constituted), is a wider awareness of the existence of an ‘Atlantic community’, a well-articulated and shared concept of it, and, moreover, a new recognition of the Atlantic pan-region as itself a ‘pole’, among poles, in today’s multipolar world.
  • Wallace, William. Are Values Diverging Across the Atlantic?. – lk. 355–363.
  • Hamilton, Daniel S. Rule-Makers or Rule-Takers?: An American Perspective on Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. – lk. 365–382.
    The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), currently under negotiation by the United States and the European Union is not just another free trade agreement but a means for both parties to move beyond old bilateral disputes to reposition themselves for a world of diffuse power and intensified competition. Economically, TTIP is an effort to generate jobs and growth on each side of the Atlantic by going beyond traditional at-the-border trade tariffs to tackle regulatory differences in ways that can enhance rather than block growth without lowering standards; and to use transatlantic agreement on such high standards to maintain and lift international standards. Geopolitically, TTIP can be both a symbolic and practical assertion of Western renewal, vigour and commitment; is an important means to engage rising powers on the terms of their integration into the international order; and is a potentially important instrument to bolster that order.
  • Peterson, John. Choosing Europe or Choosing TTIP?: The European Union and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. – lk. 383–401.
    This analysis presents a European view on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). It argues that the European Union (EU) needs agreement on TTIP more than the United States (US) both for economic and political reasons. Yet, a European anti-TTIP movement has coalesced that argues that the EU must ‘choose Europe or choose TTIP’: the latter threatens to ‘Americanize’ Europe and lead to lower standards of consumer and environmental protection. The choice is a false one but the EU has been late to refute it and it continues to negotiate internally on TTIP even as it negotiates with the US. The TTIP negotiations have also exposed the Union’s ‘strategic partnerships’ as ill-organized and ineffective. Nevertheless, TTIP offers the US and EU a chance to write rules on international economic exchange that could be exported to the global level at a time when a more multipolar international order is emerging.
  • Goldgeier, James. The State of the Transatlantic Alliance. – lk. 403–413.
    The North Atlantic Treaty Organization has much to be proud of since the end of the Cold War more than a quarter century ago, including enlargement across Central and Eastern Europe, the protection of the Kosovar Albanians, counterterrorism missions in the Mediterranean, the delivery of humanitarian assistance to Indonesia after the tsunami, and counter-piracy operations in the Indian Ocean. The operations in Afghanistan and Libya ultimately did not produce desirable outcomes after achieving their initial goals, but both of those endeavours demonstrated the strong intra- Alliance collaboration as well as cooperation with external partners. The main causes of concern for the Alliance have been the continued low levels of defence spending by Canada and most European allies, the renewed threat posed by the Vladimir Putin regime in Russia, and the refugee crisis that has divided Europe and decreased the sense of security across the continent. Despite the crises and the sense of doom that pervades United States and European capitals, the transatlantic Alliance is likely to endure. There are enough shared values and interests to provide a strong foundation for close relations in the face of the enormous political, economic, and social turmoil that will continue to confront decision makers. In many ways, the United States and Europe have no choice but to maintain an Alliance that has served them so well.
  • Fröhlich, Stefan. Transatlantic Leadership in a Multipolar World: The EU Perspective. – lk. 415–429.
    The following article suggests that the weakening of the transatlantic bond was, and still is, inevitable, as the end of the Cold War reduced Europe’s reliance on the United States (US) for security. As a result the relationship has become more pragmatic and politics more selective at a time when the EU and the US need each other (not least because of the strong economic interdependence) maybe more than ever. Both sides differ more often than in the past (on issues such as the rise of China and a re-assertive Russia, the threat from Europe’s southern periphery or the systemic challenges posed by autocratic regimes regarding the future global governance structures) and for this reason have to forge strategic partnerships with many others as well. Against this background Europe’s unwillingness to allocate funds and unfold leadership is the most valuable indicator (and not the successful completion of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership) of how seriously it is taking the underlying strategic issues. It is this unwillingness that has hampered Europe’s geostrategic influence in its neighbourhood, the US value of security guarantees, and the future of the liberal order
  • Schunz, Simon. The Prospects for Transatlantic Leadership in an Evolving Multipolar World. – lk. 431–447.
    This article explores the prospects for joint leadership by the United States (US) and the European Union (EU) in an evolving multipolar world. Arguing that multipolarity leads to a highly differentiated global system, it conceptualizes global order as negotiated order revolving around issue-specific global governance arrangements subject to constant negotiation processes. In this context, transatlantic leadership depends not only on a US and EU willingness to lead individually and collectively, but especially on their capacity to define joint purposes and mobilize followers in issue areas relevant to global order. To test whether the two parties fulfil these conditions, the article first engages in a discourse analysis comparing US and EU leadership ambitions and visions of world order as expressed in their global strategies. US and EU rhetoric is subsequently compared to their (inter)action in the major global policy domain of climate change, focusing on the negotiations of the 2015 Paris Agreement. The article finds that opportunities for US-EU leadership generally exist, but that sustained future leadership will depend on renewed commitments and tend to be, rather than cross-cutting and relatively stable as during the Cold War, issue-specific and contingent, necessitating regular negotiation with other major global forces.

    2016

  • Calliess, Christian ; Dross, Miriam. TTIP: Regulierungszusammenarbeit auf Kosten der Umwelt? // Die Öffentliche Verwaltung (2016) nr. 15, lk. 621-629.
    Das geplante transatlantische Handels- und Investitionsabkommen TTIP (Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership) zwischen der EU und den USA steht in der Kritik. Diese richtet sich auch gegen die geplante Zusammenarbeit in Regulierungsfragen, weil mit ihr die Befürchtung verbunden wird, dass das Schutzniveau im Umwelt- und Gesundheitsbereich sinken könnte. Der nachfolgende Beitrag stellt zunächst die regulatorische Kooperation in ihren Grundzügen dar und ordnet sie dann im Hinblick auf mögliche Auswirkungen auf die Umwelt ein. (BECK)
  • Jančić, Davor. The Role of the European Parliament and the US Congress in Shaping Transatlantic Relations: TTIP, NSA Surveillance, and CIA Rendition // Journal of Common Market Studies (2016) nr. 4, lk. 896-912.
    This article analyses the manner in which the parliaments of the EU and the US – two key global strategic partners – participate in the shaping of transatlantic relations. The article argues that the European Parliament (EP) and Congress aim not only to influence their executive branches but also to act autonomously in the transnational arena through parliamentary diplomacy. They seek to secure concessions both formally by scrutinizing transatlantic international agreements, such as TTIP, as well as informally by exposing injustices and diplomatic misconduct through human rights advocacy and institutional pressure, such as in the cases of the NSA surveillance and CIA renditions. The article demonstrates that the EP and Congress have created capacities for internal scrutiny and transnational interparliamentary dialogue and that they utilize their consent powers to make claims, condition transatlantic negotiations and gain greater presence, visibility and influence in international affairs. (Business Source Complete (EBSCO))
  • Koutrakos, Panos. Negotiating International Trade Treaties after Brexit // European Law Review (2016) nr. 4, lk. 475-478.
    The outcome of the referendum of 23rd June 2016 has focused attention on two formidable tasks, namely the divorce arrangement between the United Kingdom and the EU and the agreement on the future relationship between the two parties. There is, however, a third layer of uncertainty and complexity that the UK would have to face as a non-Member State, that is its trade relations with third countries. (Westlaw International)
  • Meissner, Katharina. Democratizing EU External Relations: The European Parliament´s Informal Role in SWIFT, ACTA and TTIP // European Foreign Affairs Review (2016) nr. 2, lk. 269-288.
    Since 1958, the European Parliament (EP) has come a long way from being a talking shop to being a powerful legislative organ. In the European Union’s external relations, the EP’s role was initially very weak, when it was sometimes not even consulted on international agreements. The Lisbon Treaty strengthened the parliamentary role in external relations covering policies where the ordinary legislative procedure applies by ascribing the EP the right to ratification of international agreements. Formally limited to voting on final agreements, the EP has widely expanded its informal role in external relations since the Lisbon Treaty’s entry into force in December 2009. Now, its role goes beyond the provisions as laid out in the Lisbon Treaty and even the role of national parliaments in international agreements. Since the negotiations on a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), the EP has been active at all stages of negotiations – negotiation directives, negotiation rounds, ratification of agreement, and implementation of agreement – which activities reach as far as influencing the agreements’ substance. Analysing with what strategies the EP has achieved this involvement – by providing original data from fifteen semi-structured interviews with EU officials – this article assesses the EP’s informal role in the negotiation of international agreements since the Lisbon Treaty in three in-depth case studies: the SWIFT agreement, the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA), and the ongoing TTIP negotiations.
  • Petersmann, Ernst-Ulrich . The European Union’s ‘Cosmopolitan Foreign Policy Constitution’ and Its Disregard in Transatlantic Free Trade Agreements // European Foreign Affairs Review (2016) nr. 4, lk. 449–468.
    The universal recognition of human rights promotes international ‘cosmopolitan law’ protecting rights and judicial remedies of citizens in ever more fields of international regulation. Yet, even though free trade agreements (FTAs) protecting rights and remedies of citizens have been uniquely successful in European integration, the European Union (EU)’s ‘cosmopolitan foreign policy mandate’ is increasingly disregarded in FTA negotiations with non-European countries. The EU’s transatlantic FTAs risk undermining fundamental rights and judicial remedies inside the EU. Citizens rightly challenge the interest group politics in designing transatlantic FTAs and the EU’s neglect for participatory and deliberative democracy in EU trade policies on regulating international markets.
  • Stancke, Fabian. TTIP, CETA und die Rolle des Wettbewerbsrechts in internationalen Freihandelsabkommen // Europäische Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftsrecht (2016) nr. 15, lk. 567-572.
    Die Rolle des Wettbewerbsrechts – und hier insbesondere des Kartellrechts – bei der Schaffung eines offenen und fairen Welthandels wurde in der Vergangenheit immer wieder diskutiert, aber weder in der Wissenschaft noch in der politischen Diskussion angemessen berücksichtigt. Dass freier Handel und damit die Schaffung einheitlicher Wirtschaftsräume auch die Einführung von Wettbewerbsregeln erfordern, haben bereits die Unterzeichnerstaaten der Römischen Verträge von 1957 erkannt. Die Wettbewerbsvorschriften des EWG-Vertrags (nunmehr AEUV) sind seit Beginn an unerlässlicher Bestandteil des europäischen Rechtsrahmens. Der nachfolgende Beitrag beschäftigt sich vor diesem Hintergrund mit der ordnungsrechtlichen und praktischen Bedeutung des Kartellrechts für den Freihandel und Freihandelsabkommen und insbesondere für einen zukünftigen transatlantischen Freihandelsraum. (BECK)
  • Villaverde, Jose ; Maza, Adolfo. The effects of the TTIP on EU countries: ex-ante evaluation // Revista de Economía Mundial (2016) nr. 42, lk. 169-192.
    The EU and the US are involved currently in discussions of what is called the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). Up to now, there have been several attempts to assess the economic impact of the TTIP, both at the EU-wide level and for some of the EU countries. None of these studies, however, pays any attention to the potential impact of the TTIP on every EU country, which is the main aim of this paper. In a nutshell, the main findings indicate that the effects of the TTIP agreement are going to be small, albeit positive, and not equally distributed. More specifically, the most developed countries tend to be those that, potentially, will undergo a higher increase in their trade with the US, so they are more likely to reap benefits from the TTIP than the less developed countries. This being so, the TTIP will (weakly) increase cross-country disparities. (Business Source Complete (EBSCO))
  • Weiß, Wolfgang. Informations- und Beteiligungsrechte des Deutschen Bundestags bei gemischten Abkommen wie TTIP // Die Öffentliche Verwaltung (2016) nr. 16, lk. 661-667.
    Die Frage nach der Intensität parlamentarischer Mitwirkung beim Abschluss gemischter Abkommen stellt sich angesichts der Vielzahl von EU-Freihandelsabkommen, die wie das Freihandelsabkommen mit Kanada (Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement – CETA) kürzlich finalisiert wurden oder sich wie das TTIP (Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership) in der Verhandlung befinden, derzeit häufig. Die vorliegende Analyse zeigt, dass der Deutsche Bundestag bei gemischten Abkommen nicht allein auf die Zustimmung zur Ratifikation beschränkt ist. Gegenstand der parlamentarischen Erörterung ist das Abkommen insgesamt. Die Integrationsverantwortung des Bundestags gebietet verfassungsrechtlich eine umfassende Information, die unionsrechtlich auch zu ermöglichen ist. Ferner fordert sie eine Zustimmung des Bundestags bereits für die vorläufige Anwendung. (BECK)
  • Weiß, Wolfgang. Kompetenzverteilung bei gemischten Abkommen am Beispiel des TTIP // Die Öffentliche Verwaltung (2016) nr. 13, lk. 537-548.
    Die Frage nach der Reichweite der EU-Zuständigkeiten für den Abschluss von EU-Freihandelsabkommen stellte sich erst kürzlich verschärft im politischen Streit um die Ratifikationserfordernisse für das Wirtschaftspartnerschaftsabkommen mit den Staaten der Westafrikanischen Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft. Diese Fragestellungen werden hier für das TTIP (Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership – Transatlantische Handels- und Investitionspartnerschaft) erörtert. Dabei zeigt sich, dass auch das TTIP als gemischtes Abkommen abzuschließen ist. (BECK)
akkordionipikktekst
  • Bishop, Doak. Investor–State Dispute Settlement Under the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership: Have the Negotiations Run Aground? // ICSID Review: Foreign Investment Law Journal (2015) nr. 1, lk. 1-9.
    The article presents a speech by Doak Bishop, partner at the Houston, Texas based-law firm King & Spalding LLP in Conference on Arbitration of Energy Disputes: New Challenges held at the Danish Institute of Arbitration in Copenhagen, Denmark from September 1-2, 2014. It discusses the investor-state dispute settlement under the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). It further discusses the importance of dispute settlement in the international energy industry. (Business Source Complete (EBSCO))
  • Cremona, Marise. Guest Editorial: Negotiating the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) // Common Market Law Review (2015) nr. 2, lk. 351 – 362.
  • Felbermayr, Gabriel ; Kohler, Wilhelm. TTIP und die Entwicklungsländer: Gefahren, Potenziale und Politikoptionen // ifo Schnelldienst (2015) nr. 2, lk. 26-36.
    Das Freihandelsabkommen zwischen der EU und den USA, TTIP, wird aufgrund seiner Größe auch Schwellen- und Entwicklungsländer betreffen. Diese profitieren zwar, wenn zusätzliches Wachstum in den TTIP-Ländern die Auslandsnachfrage nach ihren Waren erhöht, aber zugleich müssen sie um ihre preisliche Wettbewerbsfähigkeit in der EU und den USA fürchten, weil die TTIP-Partner in diesen Ländern dank des Abkommens billiger anbieten können. In einer neuen Studie für das Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung hat sich das ifo Institut gemeinsam mit dem Institut für Angewandte Wirtschaftsforschung (IAW) in Tübingen mit der Frage beschäftigt, wie sich diese beiden gegenläufigen Effekte saldieren. Die Ergebnisse sind: (i) pauschale Aussagen sind unmöglich, denn manche Drittstaaten werden wahrscheinlich gewinnen, andere verlieren; (ii) die Verluste sind gemäß mehreren Modellsimulationen nicht bedrohlich; (iii) es gibt eine Reihe von rea¬listischen Möglichkeiten, die TTIP entwicklungsländerfreundlich zu gestalten. (Business Source Complete (EBSCO))
  • Gostomski, Eugeniusz ; Michałowski, Tomasz. Negotiations on the Transatlantic Free Trade Area. Effects of the Proposed Agreement on the Economies of the European Union and the United States of America // European Integration Studies (2015) nr. 9, lk. 127-138.
    The paper is devoted to the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), which is also called the Transatlantic Free Trade Area (TAFTA). The problem is whether TTIP should be created, and if yes, what shape it should take, and how it will affect the economies of the European Union (EU) and the United States (US). The aim of the paper is to answer the questions: what is the essence of the TTIP agreement, what reasons for this project are and what consequences will it have? At first, the authors present a declining role of the EU and the US in the global economy. Next, they analyse trade and investment flows between the EU and the US. Then, they analyse main motives for TTIP and present the course of TTIP negotiations. In the next section, the authors discuss the main barriers to the economic relations between the EU and the US. Then, they deal with controversies around the protection of investment and with concerns and risks arising from TTIP. In the final section, the authors analyse political consequences of launching TTIP. The authors conclude that the establishment of a free trade area covering the EU and the US could contribute to economic recovery on both sides of the Atlantic. The combination of lower production costs in the US with the highest European technological potential is a prerequisite for the production of excellent products at competitive prices and their sales in international markets, which in turn can stop the trend of decline in the role of the EU and the US in the world trade. The TTIP would also strengthen transatlantic political ties and make the voice of the EU and the US more powerful in the process of searching solutions of many problems of the modern world. (Business Source Complete (EBSCO))
  • Hufbauer, Gary Clyde ; Cimino-Isaacs, Cathleen. How will TPP and TTIP Change the WTO System?  // Journal of International Economic Law (2015) nr. 3, lk. 679-696.
    The rise of new free trade agreements in the 1990s and early 2000s altered the dynamic of the World Trade Organization (WTO) as the arbiter of world commerce forever. Moreover, WTO negotiating rounds over the past decade have been beset with irreconcilable objectives among WTO members, with emerging market members fundamentally opposed to opening their markets to exports from advanced countries. The consequence was scant progress and missed deadlines, culminating in the failed Geneva Ministerial of 2008. At the Bali Ministerial in 2013, the WTO members could only muster strength to endorse the Trade Facilitation Agreement, while postponing action on numerous and more contentious Doha issues. The cumulative result is that the WTO is now at the back of the parade in addressing 21st-century trade issues. Two mega-regionals—the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP)—will undoubtedly change the multilateral trading system. This article assumes both negotiations will be concluded and ratified by 2018. However, even if neither mega-regional agreement succeeded, their negotiating objectives and ultimate stumbling blocks will shape the future of the WTO. If WTO members collectively reject the lessons, the institution will fade as an arbiter of commercial relations between nations.
  • JANČIĆ, Davor. Transatlantic Regulatory Interdependence, Law and Governance: The Evolving Roles of the EU and US Legislatures // Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies (2015) nr. 17, lk. 334-359.
    This article analyses the roles of the European Parliament and the US Congress in addressing regulatory interdependencies arising in the EU–US strategic partnership. It examines their international actorness as a potential remedy for the problems of democratic participation, executive dominance, and opaqueness in the shaping of transatlantic relations. It shows that legislatures significantly contribute to regulatory discrepancies and trade disputes and that the adverse consequences thereof justify more intensive ex ante cooperation between them. The analysis conducts two groups of case studies to demonstrate how the EP and Congress influence law and policy in areas of transatlantic regulatory and foreign policy divergence. The first group of case studies analyses parliamentary involvement in the making of international agreements (TTIP and ACTA). The second group of case studies inspects legislative action with extraterritorial effects (US Helms–Burton and Sarbanes–Oxley Acts). The article argues that the EP and Congress have so far frequently acted against the spirit of the strategic partnership in ways that are injurious to the interests of the other side, and discusses whether an interparliamentary early warning mechanism could reduce legislative and political frictions and increase the coherence of transatlantic lawmaking. (HeinOnline)
  • Krajewski, Markus. Öffentliche Dienstleistungen in EU-Freihandelsabkommen // Zeitschrift für Öffentliche und Gemeinwirtschaftliche Unternehmen (ZÖgU) (2015) nr. 1, lk. 21-50.
    Die aktuelle Kontroverse um die Freihandelsabkommen der EU mit Kanada (CETA) und den USA (TTIP) betrifft auch die möglichen Auswirkungen dieser Abkommen auf die öffentliche Daseins vorsorge. Der vorliegende Beitrag erörtert, wie sich Freihandelsabkommen auf die Organisation und Erbringung von öffentlichen Dienstleistungen auswirken und mit welchen vertraglichen Modifikationen diese Auswirkungen beschränkt oder ausgeschlossen werden können. Im Zentrum der Untersuchung wird ein allgemeiner Analyserahmen entwickelt, mit dem die Auswirkungen von Freihandelsabkommen auf öffentliche Dienstleistungen untersucht werden können. Dieser Rahmen wird auf CETA und TTIP angewendet. So kann gezeigt werden, dass die Grundprinzipien von Freihandelsabkommen bestimmte Modelle der Erbringung von öffentlichen Dienstleistungen erschweren können, wenn keine ausreichenden vertraglichen Schutzvorschriften bestehen. (Business Source Complete (EBSCO))
  • Watts, Jessica. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership: An Overly “Ambitious” Attempt to Harmonize Divergent Philosophies on Acceptable Risks in Food Production Without Directly Addressing Areas of Disagreement // North Carolina Journal of International Law & Commercial Regulation (2015) nr. 1, lk. 83-136.
    The article focuses on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), a free trade agreement between the U.S. and European Union (EU), that would remove tariffs between the U.S. and EU and derive economic benefits from the TTIP. It informs that the TTIP agreement aims to employ set of standards and methods in consumer safety regulation. It further states that the TTIP aims to resolve philosophical differences in food policies between Europe and the U.S. (Business Source Complete (EBSCO))
  • 2014

  • Crouch, Colin. Democracy at a TTIP’ing point: Seizing a slim chance to reassert democratic sovereignty in Europe // Juncture (2014) nr. 3, 176-181.
    Colin Crouch, who first diagnosed and described our ‘post-democratic’ malaise a decade ago, assesses the strength of recent democratic interventions in the previously closed-shop TTIP negotiations as a reaction to deepening crises of popular mistrust and political capture in European and western democratic national polities. (Academic Search Complete (EBSCO))
  • Hamilton, Daniel S. Transatlantic Challenges: Ukraine, TTIP and the Struggle to be Strategic // JCMS annual review of the European Union in 2013 (2014), lk. 25 – 39.
  • Welfens, Paul ; Irawan, Tony. Transatlantic trade and investment partnership: sectoral and macroeconomic perspectives for Germany, the EU and the US // International Economics & Economic Policy (2014) nr. 3, lk. 293-328.
    The EU and the US have started negotiations on a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership Agreement (TTIP) which could bring a considerable increase of exports and output as well as changes in the composition of output and employment. Thus export simulation studies in combination with input output analysis and employment analysis is useful. In the analysis presented the focus is mainly on sectoral output and employment effects where the key sectors are the automotive sector, chemical industry, information and communication technology production, pharmaceuticals and machinery and equipment. Backward sector links are analysed and found to be quite important in the automotive sector, the chemical industry, the machinery and equipment sector in both Germany and the US; in Germany also in ICT production. However, most of the observed sectors have weak forward linkage. Input output analysis is also used to identify employment effects in various sectors: the pure employment effect of a 20 % export expansion in Germany amounts to about 800 000 new jobs. Looking only at the US and German perspective turns out to be misleading-the high imports of intermediate inputs of German firms from EU partner countries suggests that a comparison EU-US is analytically required for some key issues and that considering the effects on EU partners is also useful. There is a host of key policy issues, including the issue of extended sustainability reporting. (Business Source Complete (EBSCO))
  • 2013

  • Akhtar, Shayerah Ilias ; Jones, Vivian C. Proposed Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP): in brief // Current Politics & Economics of Europe (2013) nr. 1/2, lk. 107-122.
    The article offers information on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), a proposed free trade agreement (FTA) being negotiated between the U.S. and the European Union (EU). Topics covered include the direct interest of the U.S. Congress in the TTIP and the elimination and reduction of tariffs between the U.S. and the EU. Also mentioned are some of the agreement’s provisions including strong protections for investors, intellectual property rights, labor and the environment. (Business Source Complete (EBSCO))
  • Ash, Ken. EU-US trade and investment talks: Why they matter // OECD Observer (2013) nr. 297, lk. 12-13.
    The article focuses on the benefits of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the U.S. and European Union (EU) as of November 2013. Topics discussed include TTIP economic benefits for the U.S. and EU such as improved bilateral investment flows, description of multilateral trading system, and integration of trade in value added (TiVA). Also mentioned are other topics such as free trade agreement (FTA) and business and economic development of the U.S. and EU. (Business Source Complete (EBSCO))

Books

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Books
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Internet Sources

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  • European Commission. Commissioner responsible for trade (2019-2024) Phil Hogan
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  • Akman, M. Sait ; Evenett, Simon ; Low, Patrick. Catalyst? TTIP’s impact on the Rest / VOX, 2015.
    Apparently a number of assumptions have been made in Brussels and Washington DC about how the rest of the world will react to the successful conclusion of a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). Many of the contributions to this new eBook identify alternatives for third countries that do not involve throwing themselves at the mercy of US and European trade negotiators. TTIP may not trigger the chain reaction that its advocates seek. (e-raamatu lugemiseks vajalik registreerimine portaali kasutajaks)
  • Bowles, Edward. TTIP, the Revenant / European Centre for International Political Economy, 2017.
    For those of you familiar with Michael Punke’s book ‘The Revenant’ (or screen portrayal of the same), the central character, played by Leonardo di Caprio, is mauled terribly by a grizzly bear, betrayed by his appointed protector and left for dead deep in woodland in frozen conditions. Against all the odds, he not only survives, but makes it back to the camp, where upon he tracks down and kills his betrayer – at which point the similarities with TTIP should end. TTIP was all but written off following the election of Donald Trump, having already endured severe mauling at the hands of anti-globalisation movements. But there are now signs that TTIP has crawled its way out of the woodland where it was left for dead, with quietly constructive noises seeping out of Washington and Berlin. The institutions in Brussels are playing down all talk of a renaissance at this stage, and the Advisory Group of which I am a nominal member has no plan to meet again. So far so sensible.
  • Dullien, Sebastian. Trump’s poisoned TTIP chalice / European Council on Foreign Relations, 2017.
    The prospect of reopening trade talks with the US puts the European Union in an invidious position.
  • Fadinger, Harald. TTIP – eine Analyse aus europäischer Perspektive / Österreichische Gesellschaft für Europapolitik, 2015.
  • Freudenstein, Roland ; Kennedy, Craig. A New Transatlantic Agenda IN FOCUS: Challenges and Opportunities in the Trump Era / Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies, 2017.
  • Hamilton, Daniel S. ; Quinlan, Joseph P. The Transatlantic Economy 2020. Annual Survey of Jobs, Trade and Investment between the United States and Europe / Foreign Policy Institute, Johns Hopkins University SAIS, 2020.
    This annual survey offers the most up-to-date picture of the dense economic relationship binding European countries to America’s 50 states. The survey consists of five chapters. Chapter One underscores how the transatlantic economy today is structurally sound yet buffeted by considerable political uncertainties. Chapter Two updates our basic framework for understanding the deeply integrated transatlantic economy via 'eight ties that bind.' Chapter Three explores the transatlantic digital economy, which in many ways has become the backbone of commercial connections across the Atlantic. Chapter Four offers an overview of European commercial ties with the United States, and Chapter Five an overview of U.S. commercial relations with Europe. The appended charts provide the most up-to-date information on European-sourced jobs, trade and investment with the 50 U.S. states, and U.S.-sourced jobs, trade and investment with the 28 member states of the European Union, as well as Norway, Switzerland and Turkey. Although the UK left the EU formally in early 2020, our data covers 2019, when the UK was still part of the EU.
  • Hoekman, Bernard M. ; Sabel, Charles. Trade agreements, regulatory sovereignty and democratic legitimacy / EUI RSCAS Working Papers, 2017.
    Governments increasingly are seeking to use bilateral and regional trade agreements to reduce the cost-increasing effects of differences in product market regulation. They also pursue regulatory cooperation independent of trade agreements. It is important to understand what is being done through bilateral or plurilateral mechanisms to address regulatory differences, and to identify what, if any, role trade agreements can play in supporting international regulatory cooperation. This paper reflects on experience to date in regulatory cooperation and the provisions of recent trade agreements involving advanced economies that have included regulatory cooperation. We argue for a re-thinking by trade officials of the modalities and design of trade negotiations and the incorporation of institutional mechanisms that draw on insights of experimentalist governance approaches to enhance the scope for international regulatory cooperation.
  • Hummer, Waldemar. Die „Transatlantische Handels- und Investitionspartnerschaft“ (TTIP) zwischen der EU und den USA / Österreichische Gesellschaft für Europapolitik, 2014.
  • Korteweg, Rem. Unfreezing TTIP: Why a transatlantic trade pact still makes strategic sense / Centre for European Reform, 2017.
  • Lowe, Sam. On Brexit, TTIP and the City of London / CER Bulletin, 2018.
    Beyond the specifics of the future relationship, in the short-to-medium-term a degree of honesty and humility is warranted. The EU line on financial services is not going to crack, and the member-states do not believe they need the City as much as the City believes they should. If the UK is unwilling to change its Brexit negotiating red lines, and in particular its plan to leave the single market, the only way for a UK-based financial institution to guarantee its continued ability to service EU-27 customers post-Brexit is to establish itself within the EU-27. And the EU is rolling out the red carpet.
  • Schwartz, Chris. Between partnership and punitive tariffs: Prospects for a New U.S-E.U. Trade Agreement in the New Congress / Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, June 2019.
    The United States has recommitted to negotiations with the European Union on a comprehensive trade agreement, but there is a very narrow path for completing a deal before the next U.S. national elections in 2020.
    Reaching an agreement will likely mean dropping some controversial issues from consideration, especially the U.S. demand to negotiate broadly on agriculture; movement by the U.S. on steel and aluminum tariffs; and a commitment by the E.U. to toughen its stance on China. Even if negotiators can find common ground, winning Congressional approval for an agreement may be a challenge given the complex politics of trade among both Democrats and Republicans.
  • Stopping CETA and TTIP will not stop globalisation / Jacques Delors Institute, 2016.
    Beyond the debate raised by CETA and now by the victory of Donald Trump, a critic of free trade agreements, Elvire Fabry, Senior Researcher at the Jacques Delors Institute, calls for the analysis of new changes in the globalisation process to better understand the fears they inspire.
  •  

    Publications of European Parliament:

  • Felbermayr, Gabriel. TTIP and Jobs / European Parliament: Directorate-General for Internal Policies of the Union, Ludwig Maximilian's University Munich and ifo Institute for Economic Research, 2020.
    This Policy Department A study concludes that TTIP could lead to substantial reallocation of jobs between and within industries. As growing exporting firms pay higher wages than shrinking import-competing ones, average wages would go up. Employment effects are highly uncertain: they could be negative in the short run but positive in the long run. In any case, their magnitude is likely to be very small. Adjustment costs do not undo TTIP’s overall economic desirability, but they call for adequately funded trade adjustment programmes.

  • Free and fair trade for all? / European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Service, 2017.
    With its strategy paper entitled ‘Trade for all’ in 2015, the European Commission launched an EU trade policy that focussed on values such as human rights, workers’ rights, environmental protection and sustainable development.  The idea was that free trade should be fair for both consumers in Europe and for citizens elsewhere. This approach was pursued in bilateral trade negotiations and in legislative proposals on, for example, conflict minerals, dual-use goods or the investment court system.  But by the end of 2016 the tenor of the debate on international trade had changed, shifting the focus to national interests and fairness for consumers and producers at home. The UK’s decision to withdraw from the EU and the election of President Trump in the US, together with the expiry of the clause recognising China’s non-market economy status, contributed to this shift.  The European Parliament has played a crucial role in shaping the direction of EU trade policy. While its 2015 resolution on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) set the values-based trade agenda, its resolutions in 2016 and 2017 on China’s market economy status and global value chains reflected the shift in values.  The European Commission was seeking to balance free and fair trade but new challenges lie ahead, notably in the EU’s neighbourhood: Russia, the Eastern Partnership, Turkey and the UK’s withdrawal from the EU.
  • A guide to EU procedures for the conclusion of international trade agreements / European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Service, 2016.
    The European Union (EU) was the world’s biggest exporter and importer of goods and services in 2015, representing 32.51 % of global trade in goods and services. The USA and China, meanwhile, accounted for 12.01 % and 10.68 % respectively. The EU has been negotiating trade agreements since the 1970s, then as the European Communities. Over time it has diversified its trading partners, and is now negotiating trade agreements with partners from every continent. The content of trade agreements has also evolved as EU trade competences have developed. The EU is currently in the process of amending and modernising some of its older trade agreements and is working on some of the most ambitious trade agreements since its inception (such as the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) with Canada and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) with the USA). The Lisbon Treaty modified both the EU’s competences in trade and the procedure for concluding trade agreements, giving a stronger role to the European Parliament. This briefing looks at how trade negotiations are conducted and concluded in the EU, and discusses some of the key issues in the current EU trade policy debate.
  • EU-US negotiations on TTIP: A survey of current issues / European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Service, 2016.
    The negotiations on a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the EU and the USA aim at achieving a comprehensive trade agreement with renewed liberalisation efforts in trade, services and investments, while at the same time aiming at regulatory cooperation and rule-based trade. Since the completion of the 13th round of negotiations on TTIP in April 2016, the European Commission and the USA have been working to achieve substantial progress before the next round took place in July 2016. As those negotiations get under way, this in-depth analysis examined progress to date and looked at the various issues that were still outstanding.
  • The EU’s Energy Diplomacy: Transatlantic and Foreign Policy Implications / European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Service, 2016.
    The mutual energy trade could expand if the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) were concluded successfully. The United States is also a crucial partner of the EU for transport security and the protection of critical energy infrastructure. Against this backdrop, this study analyses opportunities and challenges of transatlantic energy cooperation in a changing global energy landscape.
  • TTIP and Labour Standards / European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Service, 2016.
    The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) will follow EU and US recent trade policy practice to include labour provisions. These could limit the risk that liberalisation results in social dumping and promote upward change. This European Parliament Policy Department A study concludes that the EU could take a precautionary stance and employ various instruments that increase the chances that TTIP will have positive social consequences. TTIP may combine the strengths of the EU and US approaches to labour provisions, while improving their weaknesses. More analysis of the social consequences of liberalisation and labour provisions might be stimulated and strong flanking measures at the EU and national level be foreseen.
  • TTIP and jobs / European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Service, 2016.
    TTIP (Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership) could lead to substantial reallocation of jobs between and within industries, however the overall employment effects are uncertain. This European Parliament Policy Department A study provides the Employment and Social Affairs Committee of the Parliament with an analytical review of literature and calculations of the potential employment impact of TTIP with a view to sectors affected. It provides a snapshot of EU and US trade and labour markets, compares methodologies and results of ex-ante assessments and also uses information from relevant ex-post evaluations of other trade agreements.
  • Role of the US Congress in trade agreements. The ‘Fast-Track’ procedure / European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research, 2016
    Since 1974, the United States Congress has several times enacted Trade Promotion Authority (TPA), defining the conditions and procedures for voting using a streamlined or expedited procedure, also known as the fast-track procedure, to pass implementing legislation in Congress for international trade agreements negotiated during a specific defined period of time. The 2015 TPA, passed in June 2015, contains the requirements and procedures for fast-track adoption of any international agreement entered into by the US before 1 July 2018 (with possible extension up to 1 July 2021) including any resulting from the ongoing Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations.
  • Investment Rules In Trade Agreements: Developments And Issues In Light Of The TTIP Debate / European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Service, 2015.
    EU foreign direct investment (FDI) stocks in the US amount to €1,651.6bn, and US FDI stocks in the EU to €1,685.5bn. Investment access and protection is critical to EU-US economic relations. Criticisms have been made on both sides of the Atlantic regarding the interpretation of some investment rules in free trade agreements (FTAs) and bilateral investment treaties (BITs), and their impact on the regulatory capacity of states. Both the US and the EU are revising these rules to ensure they are correctly interpreted.
  • Financial Services in EU Trade Agreements / European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Service, 2014.
    This Policy Department A study for ECON covers rules on trade in financial services in preferential trade agreements (PTA), in view of current TTIP negotiations. The financial services sector is of strategic importance in trade policy. The EU has already obtained considerable PTA concessions, incl. new investor protection rights. Its PTAs also contain more developed disciplines on financial regulation, incl. prior comment obligations, data processing rules, prudential regulation and use of international standards.
  • Civil Society’s Concerns about the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership / European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Service, 2014.
    When the EU and the US launched negotiations on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) in June 2013, civil society was invited to play ‘a constructive and engaged part in defining the content’ of this strategic deal. Interest in the TTIP has gone beyond its expected economic impact: the agreement has been seen by some as a way to strengthen the West’s weakening grip on the world economy, and by others as a tool for big multinationals to secure unfair advantages at the expense of the rest of society. Civil society groups have come forward with various conditions, demands (including stopping the negotiations) and concrete proposals – in most cases to ensure that the TTIP represents their interests.
  • Overcoming Transatlantic differences on intellectual property: IPR and the TTIP negotiations / European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Service, 2014.
    Recent studies demonstrate the important contribution of intellectual property rights (IPR) to the American and EU economies. Royalties and licence fees based on IPR figure high among the exports of both, and applications, and grants, for IPR protection made by Europeans in the US and vice-versa represent an important share of the totals. The differences between the respective IPR systems are comparatively small, yet seen as hard to overcome. The negotiation of the EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) may present the opportunity for a step change in EU-US relations in respect of IPR.
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Documents

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Documents
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  • European Commission. EU negotiating texts in TTIP
  • Council approves launch of trade and investment negotiations with the United States (European Union Council 14.06. 2013)
    On 15 June 2013 the Council adopted a mandate for the Commission to negotiate a comprehensive trade and investment agreement with the United States, the “transatlantic trade and investment partnership” (TTIP). The mandate is composed of a decision of the Council and a decision of the representatives of the member states authorising the opening of negotiations, as well as directives for the negotiation of the agreement.
  • European Citizens’ Initiative: Commission registers ‘Stop TTIP’ Initiative (European Commission, press release, 4.07.2017)
    The European Commission has today decided to register a European Citizens’ Initiative inviting the Commission “to recommend to the Council to repeal the negotiating mandate for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and not to conclude the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA)” (‘Stop TTIP’ Initiative). The formal registration of this Initiative on 10 July 2017 will start a one-year process of collection of signatures of support by its organisers.
  • EU-U.S. Trade Talks: European Commission presents draft negotiating mandates (European Commission, press release 18.01.2019)
  • Progress Report on the Implementation of the EU-U.S. Joint Statement of 25 July 2018. Greater together: Slashing billions in industrial tariffs and boosting transatlantic trade / European Commission, 2019.
    The United States and the European Union have a $1 trillion bilateral trade relationship with more than €3 billion in two-way trade every single day. Together both sides count more than 830 million citizens and close to 50% of global Gross Domestic Product. This is the largest economic relationship in the world. With their Joint Statement of 25 July 2018, President Juncker and President Trump expressed their commitment to further strengthen this trade relationship to the benefit of all American and European citizens. As an immediate follow-up to the Statement, an Executive Working Group, co-chaired by Commissioner Malmström and United States Trade Representative Lighthizer and composed of both Presidents’ closest trade policy aides, started work on the five tracks for cooperation identified in the Joint Statement. This report provides an overview of the progress made and illustrates the depth of the engagement between EU and U.S. officials over the past year. The work programme covers a wide-ranging agenda reflecting the breadth of topics addressed in the Joint Statement.
  • Trade talks between the European Union and the United States under Trump Administration (2019) / Overview - European Sources Online
  •  

Research

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DSpace at University of Tartu

  • Krull, Urmas. Interagency approach in EU´s crisis management during migration crisis of 2015: an effective solution or unused opportunity? : Master’s Thesis / supervisor: Eoin Micheal McNamara ; University of Tartu, Faculty of Social Sciences, Johan Skytte Institute of Political Studies. – Tartu : University of Tartu, 2018.
  • Lulla, Silver. Tackling the problem of migrant smuggling into the European Union: Master’s thesis / supervisor: Piret Ehin ; co-supervisor: Eero Janson ; University of Tartu, Johan Skytte Institute of Political Studies. – Tartu : University of Tartu, 2016.
  • Niibo, Indrek. The Public Communication of the Estonian Government Regarding the Refugee Crisis in 2015: Discourse Analytical Approach: MA Thesis / Supervisor: Külliki Seppel ; University of Tartu, J. Skytte Institute of Political Studies. – Tartu : University of Tartu, 2016.
  • Pai, Tiina. Communicating the European Union in crisis: European Commission crisis communication and its consequences for reputation and legitimacy : MA Thesis / Supervisor: Thomas Linsenmaier ; Co-supervisor: Kaarel Vanamölder. – University of Tartu, Faculty of Social Sciences, Johan Skytte Institute of Political Studies. – Tartu : University of Tartu, 2018.
  • Tikhonova, Ekaterina. Representations of the refugee crisis in the Russian media : MA thesis / supervisor: Stefano Braghiroli ; University of Tartu, Faculty of Social Sciences, Johan Skytte Institute of Political Studies. – Tartu : University of Tartu, 2017.

Tallinn University of Technology (TalTech)

  • Jääskeläinen, Julia Kristiina. EU Migration Policy Cooperation Approach towards the Southern Mediterranean Countries after the Arab Upheavals: bakalaureusetöö / juhendaja Ivar Hendla ; Tallinna Tehnikaülikool, majandusteaduskond, õiguse instituut. – Tallinn : Tallinna Tehnikaülikool, 2018.
  • Krykov, Mihail. Fundamental Human Rights and Irregular Migrants under the Dublin System : bachelor’s thesis / supervisor: Lehte Roots ; Tallinn University of Technology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Tallinn Law School, Jean Monnet Chair of European Law. – Tallinn : Tallinn University of Technology, 2016. Lõputöö kättesaadav TTÜ arvutivõrgus.
  • Luuk, Liis. Migration Crisis in the EU: a New Threat for Estonia?: magistritöö / juhendaja: Holger Mölder ; Tallinna Tehnikaülikool, majandusteaduskond, rahvusvaheliste suhete instituut, rahvusvaheliste suhete ja politoloogia õppetool. – Tallinn : Tallinn Tehnikaülikool, 2016.
  • Žehtunova, Svetlana. European Migration Crisis: Securitization Processes – Case-Study: Germany and Poland : magistritöö / juhendaja: Holger Mölder ; Tallinna Tehnikaülikool, majandusteaduskond, õiguse instituut. – Tallinn : Tallinna Tehnikaülikool, 2017.
  • Tamminen, Satu Elisa. The Concept of Human Security in the European Union’s Foreign and Security Policies – The Migrant Crisis: bakalaureusetöö / juhendaja: Holger Mölder ; Tallinna Tehnikaülikool, majandusteaduskond, rahvusvaheliste suhete instituut. – Tallinn : Tallinna Tehnikaülikool, 2016.

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Scientific Articles

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Database mentioned in brackets indicates that the full text is electronically available.

Full texts are available for registered users of National Library of Estonia if logged into search portal. Some journals apply an annual access restriction to full electronic texts. To read full texts with restricted access write to us at elik@nlib.ee.

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  • Ademmer, Esther ; Leupold, Anna ; Stöhr, Tobias. Much ado about nothing? The (non-) politicisation of the European Union in social media debates on migration // European Union Politics (2019) nr. 2, lk.305-327.
    The widespread view that the refugee crisis has sparked unprecedented levels of European Union politicisation has rarely been backed by systematic empirical evidence. We investigate this claim using a novel dataset of several thousand user comments posted below articles of German regional media outlets on Facebook. Despite considerable European Union authority in the policy area, extensive media coverage of the crisis and the rise of a populist party in Germany, our results suggest that the politicisation of Europe remains low among social media users, especially when compared to national and subnational levels of governance. When talking about Europe, users hardly refer to European Union institutions or policies. Instead, other member states and notions of the geographic or cultural space dominate the debate. (Sage Journals)
  • Ceccorulli, Michela. Back to Schengen: the collective securitisation of the EU free-border area // West European Politics (2019), nr 2, lk.302-322.
    This article considers how a major influx of migrants from North Africa and the Middle East during 2015 led to an EU-initiated collective securitisation of the Schengen space. The events of 2015 represented an internal crisis for the EU. This was not simply because migration stretched host country facilities and created political division within and between the member states. The uncoordinated reintroduction of border controls by some member states threatened the unravelling of the Schengen Agreement itself. The consequent security discourse which then gained currency in EU documents strongly underlined the need ‘to go back to normality’ and ‘to go back to Schengen’, not only to manage increasingly tense relations among member states but also to preserve what was seen as a core achievement of the EU. Contrary to the expectations of mainstream literature on securitisation, the policies enacted in response to the securitisation of Schengen have violated neither ‘normal politics’ of the EU nor existing or planned policies on migration and asylum despite the wide contestation of current EU migration and asylum practices. The article concludes that the normative dimension behind this collective securitisation should not be underestimated or too easily discounted.  (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Cusumano, Eugenio. Migrant rescue as organized hypocrisy: EU maritime missions offshore Libya between humanitarianism and border control // Cooperation and Conflict (2019) nr. 1, lk. 3-24.
    In November 2014, Frontex started its Southern Mediterranean border monitoring operation Triton, followed in June 2015 by the Common Security and Defence Policy anti-smuggling mission EU Naval Force Mediterranean (EUNAVFOR Med) ‘Sophia’. Both operations’ outward communication has placed considerable emphasis on the conduct of maritime search and rescue. Still, this commitment was not matched by consistent action. Triton and EUNAVFOR Med have conducted a relatively limited number of search and rescue operations, prioritizing border control and anti-smuggling tasks. This article explains the gap between the European Union missions’ humanitarian rhetoric and an operational conduct primarily focusing on curbing irregular migration as a form of organized hypocrisy. Decoupling talk and action allowed Triton and EUNAVFOR Med to reconcile the conflicting expectations arising from European governments’ willingness to reduce migrant arrivals and the normative imperative to act against the loss of life at sea. However, the European Union missions’ organized hypocrisy had several negative externalities, hindering effective management of the humanitarian crisis offshore Libya (Sage  Journals)
  • Olmedo, C Anguita. The migrant crisis in the Mediterranean: A multidimensional challenge for the European Union // RUDN journal of Sociology (2019) nr. 4 lk.617-629.
    The European Union (EU) throughout its history has been the destination of diverse migratory flows. Therefore, migration has acquired special relevance by occupying a prominent position on the EU’s political, economic, cultural, and social agenda. The most recent migration crisis of 2015 represents a multidimensional challenge with severe consequences that affect, first, the institutional foundations of the EU (governance, security, solidarity of member states and institutional stability) and, second, the migratory policies of receiving states and the EU itself. This crisis is characterized, first, by the high number of illegal migrants that cross the Mediterranean, and, second, by the humanitarian tragedy and insecurity, which make the sea a grey area and an international reference in the migratory processes. The migration-security equation became a field of applied research and analysis, and at the same time a focus of political debate and public opinion. The article aims at analysing the crisis of 2015 and its consequences, which is done by means of the methodological approach based on the consequences that this phenomenon entails for the EU and for certain member states. The response of the EU is limited primarily to securitization by strengthening the external borders, turning towards internal security rather than respecting international and Community Treaties and promotion of their values, which contradicts the anticipated leadership of this global actor. The authors believe that it is necessary to implement new mechanisms in addition to ensuring greater effectiveness of the existing ones. (DOAJ Directory of Open Access Journals)
  • Ripoll Servent, Ariadna. Failing under the ‘shadow of hierarchy’: explaining the role of the European Parliament in the EU’s ‘asylum crisis’ // Journal of European Integration. Special Issue: Power Without Influence? Explaining the Impact of the European Parliament Post-Lisbon (2019) nr 3, lk. 293-310.One of the main proposals to solve the ‘asylum crisis’ of 2015–2016 was to reform the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) and, in particular, the Dublin regime. However, the European Council conclusion of June 2018 exposed the failure to find an agreement on the CEAS reform. This article examines the conditions for policy failure – focusing on how crises affect inter-institutional negotiations and the role played by the European Parliament (EP) in particular. It shows how the EP successfully managed to form a united position and frame the crisis as a failure of previous CEAS reforms, but that this was not sufficient to break the deadlock among member states. Therefore, it demonstrates how the ‘shadow of hierarchy’ cast by the European Council may be a sufficient condition to explain policy failure, which may potentially lead to the gradual disempowerment of the EP in EU policy-making. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
akkordionipikktekst

Journal of Common Market Studies. Special Issue: EU Refugee Policies and Politics in Times of Crisis (2018) nr 1.  (Wiley Online Library)

  • Niemann, Arne ; Zaun, Natascha. EU Refugee Policies and Politics in Times of Crisis: Theoretical and Empirical Perspectives. – lk. 3 – 22.
    In 2015/16, Europe faced the largest inflow of refugees since World War II. This inflow highlighted systemic deficiencies in EU asylum co-operation which provoked a state of crisis. Together with the Eurozone crisis, this crisis has the potential to seriously damage the overall project of EU integration. The goal of this Special Issue is to provide a first systematic assessment of the crisis, applying and further developing key theoretical approaches to the sequence of events. In empirical terms, we advance original empirical evidence in order to deepen our understanding of the crisis and how it has been managed. In theoretical terms, we seek to (re)assess the usefulness and limitations of some important theoretical perspectives to European integration at a critical juncture of the EU’s history. After presenting the sequence of events and assessing the EU’s crisis response, the introduction will summarize our main findings and present avenues for further research.
  • Niemann, Andre ; Speyer, Johanna. A Neofunctionalist Perspective on the ‘European Refugee Crisis’: The Case of the European Border and Coast Guard. – lk. 23 – 43.
    Initial literature on the ‘European refugee crisis’ discerned intergovernmental tendencies in its management. This paper examines whether neofunctionalism may be able to explain a major case of ‘European refugee crisis’ policy-making, the negotiations on the European Border and Coast Guard regulation. We argue, somewhat counterintuitively, that the theory considerably furthers our respective understanding. The crisis acted as a catalyst exposing the weaknesses of a system that pitted a supranational Schengen against a largely intergovernmental external border regime, notwithstanding a developing Frontex. These dysfunctionalities have been widely fostered by both national and supranational decision-makers shrinking from the significant economic, political and sunk costs of Schengen disintegration, thus ruling out the possibility for spillback. Additionally, further integration was substantially nurtured by supranational agency, ‘socialized’ national civil servants, transnational NGOs and European business associations.
  • Zaun, Natascha. States as Gatekeepers in EU Asylum Politics: Explaining the Non-adoption of a Refugee Quota System. – lk. 44 – 62.
    Building on Moravcsik’s Liberal Intergovernmentalism, I offer an explanation of the non-decision on permanent EU refugee quotas. Some traditionally influential Member States in EU asylum politics, such as Germany, Austria and Sweden, received large numbers of refugees and faced strong domestic pressures to engage other Member States in responsibility-sharing. Yet, governments of Member States with small application numbers (among whom several Eastern European governments were particularly vocal) had incentives to undercut responsibility-sharing to avoid similar pressures. Having a better alternative to the potentially negotiated agreement, these governments successfully blocked the introduction of permanent refugee quotas. Besides explaining the absence of an effective response to one of the root causes of the asylum crisis (unequal strains) through asymmetrical interdependence, the article further develops Liberal Intergovernmentalist arguments and shows how national electorates influence positions taken by governments at the EU level when they are mobilized by right-wing populist parties.
  • Thielemann, Eiko. Why Refugee Burden-Sharing Initiatives Fail: Public Goods, Free-Riding and Symbolic Solidarity in the EU. – lk. 63 – 82.
    Traditionally, differences in states’ refugee protection contributions have been attributed to the variation in countries’ structural pull-factors such as their geographic location. However, policy choices, such as Germany’s decision to open its borders for Syrian refugees in 2015, can also have a significant impact on the number of arrivals and constitute a puzzle that traditional approaches struggle to explain. This paper demonstrates that viewing refugee burden-sharing through the lens of public goods theory can provide significant insights about refugee protection dynamics in the EU, in particular in the context of a sudden mass influx of migrants that threatens internal security. By highlighting how free-riding and burden-shifting dynamics can undermine the provision of collective goods during a refugee crisis, a public goods approach can advance our understanding of why countries sometimes accept disproportionate responsibilities for forced migrants and how the effectiveness of EU refugee burden-sharing instruments can, and should, be strengthened.
  • Ripoll Servent, Ariadna. A New Form of Delegation in EU Asylum: Agencies as Proxies of Strong Regulators. – lk. 83 – 100.
    The malfunctioning of the Common European Asylum System can be traced back to the principle of responsibility established by the Dublin regime. To attenuate its problems, the EU has delegated regulatory competences to Frontex and the European Asylum Support Office (EASO), which have been given a ‘right to intervene’ in those Member States that put the system at risk. This article expands Majone’s typologies of agents and trustees to explain why and how power has been delegated and the resulting consequences. It includes cases of failed delegation and argues that, although Frontex and EASO should operate as trustees – to prevent co-operation from breaking down – they have not been provided with enough autonomy, which exposes them to capture by particular interests. The reforms show that EU agencies are likely to be used as proxies by a group of strong Member States to monitor and intervene in weaker Member States.
  • Slominski, Peter ; Trauner, Florian. How do Member States Return Unwanted Migrants? The Strategic (non-)use of ‘Europe’ during the Migration Crisis. – lk. 101 – 118.
    This article analyzes how Member States have used the opportunities and avoided the constraints of the EU’s multilevel governance architecture to return unwanted migrants. Drawing on sociological approaches to the EU and a broad understanding of return policies, we investigate the ways in which the northern Member States, notably Germany and Austria, have increasingly relied upon the EU’s operational and financial resources to achieve their goal of pursuing a bold return policy. A key ‘usage’ of Europe has been the pooling of political and financial power to externalize and informalize its return policy. At the same time, the northern Member States’ deliberate – yet widely under-researched – ‘non-use’ of Europe, such as using and maximizing national leeway, has been an equally important strategy to reduce migratory pressure and achieve higher return rates.
  • Moreno Lax, Violeta. The EU Humanitarian Border and the Securitization of Human Rights: The ‘Rescue-Through-Interdiction/Rescue-Without-Protection’ Paradigm. – lk. 119 – 140.
    This article looks at securitization/humanitarianization dynamics in the EU external sea borders to track and critique the substantial transformation of the role played by human rights in the Mediterranean. Mapping the evolution of maritime engagement up to the ‘refugee crisis’, it is revealed how the invocation of human rights serves paradoxically to curtail (migrants’) human rights, justifying interdiction (‘to save lives’), and impeding access to safety in Europe. The result is a double reification of ‘boat migrants’ as threats to border security and as victims of smuggling/trafficking. Through a narrative of ‘rescue’, interdiction is laundered into an ethically sustainable strategy of border governance. Instead of being considered a problematic (potentially lethal) means of control, it is re-defined into a life-saving device. The ensuing ‘rescue-through-interdiction’/‘rescue-without-protection’ paradigm alters the nature of human rights, which, rather than functioning as a check on interdiction, end up co-opted as another securitization/humanitarianization tool.
  • Bauböck, Rainer. Refugee Protection and Burden-Sharing in the European Union. – lk. 141 – 156.
    This article starts with discussing principles for a globally just system of refugee protection to which states contribute either by admitting refugees for resettlement or by supporting refugee integration in other states. Such a system requires relatively strong assurances of compliance by the states involved, which are absent in the international arena. In the European Union, however, the Member States form a predetermined set with prior commitments and supranational institutions that facilitate effective burden sharing. The article traces the failure of the EU’s relocation scheme to meet this expectation to misconceptions how to determine fair shares, to incomplete prior harmonization of normative standards, and to contradictions between the Dublin Regulation’s principle of assigning responsibility to first countries of entry, on the one hand, and the Schengen principle of open internal borders, on the other hand.
  • Harteveld, Eelco ; Schaper, Joep ; L. De Lange, Sarah ; Van Der Brug, Wouter. Blaming Brussels? The Impact of (News about) the Refugee Crisis on Attitudes towards the EU and National Politics. – lk. 157 – 177.
    This paper investigates how the refugee crisis has affected attitudes towards the EU, as well as attitudes towards national institutions. By combining different waves of individual survey data, official records of asylum applications and a content analysis of the media, we examine the effect of the numbers of asylum applications and the amount of media coverage thereof on citizens’ attitudes towards the EU and national politics. Our findings demonstrate that the number of asylum applications in the EU and the media attention this generates primarily affect euroscepticism, while the number of asylum applications into each individual Member State first and foremost affects attitudes towards national institutions. Our results contribute to the literature on democratic accountability, by demonstrating that, even in a complex multi-level governance structure, citizens differentiate between levels of government.
  • Genschel, Philipp ; Jachtenfuchs, Markus. From Market Integration to Core State Powers: The Eurozone Crisis, the Refugee Crisis and Integration Theory. – lk. 178 – 196.
    The Eurozone crisis and the refugee crisis are showcases of the problems associated with the EU’s shift from market integration to the integration of core state powers. The integration of core state powers responds to similar demand factors as market integration (interdependence, externalities and spillover) but its supply is more tightly constrained by a high propensity for zero-sum conflict, a functional requirement for centralized fiscal, coercive and administrative capacities, and high political salience. We show how these constraints structured the initial design of Economic and Monetary Union and of Schengen, made them vulnerable to crisis, and shaped policy options during the crises: they made horizontal differentiation unattractive, re-regulation ineffective, centralized risk and burden-sharing unfeasible, and the externalization of adjustment burdens to non-EU actors necessary by default. In conclusion, we explore possible escape routes from the trap.

2018

  • Berneri, Chiara. Family reunification between static EU citizens and third country nationals // European Journal of Migration and Law (2018) nr. 3, lk. 289 – 313.
    According to the available data, the number of refugees worldwide has recently exceeded 50 million people. Europe in particular has become the place to which immigrants direct themselves in search of a better life. Numerous have been the efforts at EU level to introduce new legal channels of immigration. Within these efforts, family reunification has not been thoroughly explored by the EU as a tangible way to provide an alternative legal pathway to asylum.
    The scope of this work is to link family reunification between static EU citizens and third country nationals to the current European immigration background in order to appreciate it as a way to channel safe immigration. This article will first give an overview of where we stand today in terms of the protection of this kind of family looking at data and case law. It will then focus on the reasons why a further enhancement of this tool is desirable and how it can be achieved in a concrete fashion. In particular, it will argue that a broader reading of the concept of emotional dependency, within the broader application of Zambrano, should be applied to further benefit families involved in the current refugee crisis. [Paberkandjal; Academic Search Complete (EBSCO); HeinOnline]
  • Caporaso, James A. Europe’s Triple Crisis and the Uneven Role of Institutions: the Euro, Refugees and Brexit // Journal of Common Market Studies (2018) nr 6, lk. 1345-1361.
    Europe is currently embroiled in three ongoing and interacting crises concerning the eurozone, refugees and Brexit. After briefly describing each crisis, I turn to the ways in which they intersect and the role of institutions in solving the crises. There are two central themes in the paper. The first is that the three crises intersect and feed on one another. The second is that, while institutions can often help, they are not panaceas. Existing scholarship on the EU often implies that the EU operates far from its institutional frontier and that substantial improvements in welfare are just around the corner if only we ‘get our institutions right’. But institutional fixes do not exist for all problems. I argue that there is a large space for institutional improvement in the eurozone crisis, less regarding refugees, and still less for Brexit. [Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Fietkau, Sebastian ; Hansen, Kasper M. How perceptions of immigrants trigger feelings of economic and cultural threats in two welfare states // European Union Politics (2018) nr 1, lk. 119 – 139.
    Better understanding of attitudes toward immigration is crucial to avoid misperception of immigration in the public debate. Through two identical online survey experiments applying morphed faces of non-Western immigrants and textual vignettes, the authors manipulate complexion, education, family background, and gender in Denmark and Germany. For women, an additional split in which half of the women wore a headscarf is performed. In both countries, highly skilled immigrants are preferred to low-skilled immigrants. Danes are more skeptical toward non-Western immigration than Germans. Essentially, less educated Danes are very critical of accepting non-Western immigrants in their country. It is suggested that this difference is driven by a large welfare state in Denmark compared to Germany, suggesting a stronger fear in welfare societies that immigrants will exploit welfare benefits. (Sage Journals Onlines)
  • Fragapane, Stefania ; Minaldi, Giancarlo. Migration policies and digital technologies in Europe: a comparison between Italy and Spain // Journal of European Integration (2018) nr. 7, lk. 905-921.
    This paper analyses the connection between European migration policies and digital technologies, with a look at the significant changes that have affected the formation and meaning of borders on the continent. Particular attention is paid to the primary digital surveillance systems (SIS II, VIS, EURODAC) in Italy and Spain, importantly ‘Europe’s gatekeepers’ over the last decade. The results of the research contradict the thesis that there is persistence non-compliance with surveillance systems in the Southern European member states, and also highlight important areas of divergence between the two countries’ migration policy pathways. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Frid-Nielsen, Snorre Sylvester. Human rights or security? Positions on asylum in European Parliament speeches // European Union Politics (2018) nr. 2, lk. lk. 344–362.
    This study examines speeches in the European Parliament relating to asylum. Conceptually, it tests hypotheses concerning the relation between national parties and Members of European Parliament. The computer-based content analysis method Wordfish is used to examine 876 speeches from 2004 to 2014, scaling Members of European Parliament along a unidimensional policy space. Debates on asylum predominantly concern positions for or against European Union security measures. Surprisingly, national party preferences for European Union integration were not the dominant factor. The strongest predictors of Members of European Parliament’s positions are their national parties’ general ‘right-left’ preferences, and duration of European Union membership. Generally, Members of European Parliament from Central and Eastern Europe and the European People’s Party take up pro-security stances. Wordfish was effective and valid, confirming the relevance of automated content analysis for studying the European Union. (Sage Journals Onlines)

  • Guérin, Nina. One wave of reforms, many outputs: the diffusion of European asylum policies beyond Europe // Journal of European Public Policy  (2018) nr. 7: Best Papers from the European Union Studies Association 2017 Biennial Conference, lk. 1068-1087
    Since the 1990s, 13 of the 15 states of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) have passed asylum policy reforms. Yet, while some of the reforms have resulted in an alignment with European asylum policies, others have not. To account for the scope and content of asylum policy reform in the ENP states, a wide array of possible explanatory factors has been advanced in the literature. However, current explanations remain on a case-specific level, and thus fall short of accounting for the broader variation in asylum policy reform in the EU’s neighbourhood. This article seeks to identify the relevant drivers of alignment with European asylum policies, employing a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) across 13 ENP countries. The results show that ENP states align with European asylum policies in two cases: first, if they are electoral democracies and face moderate migratory pressures; second, if they are electoral democracies and hold EU membership aspirations. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Helbling, Marc ; Kalkum, Dorina. Migration policy trends in OECD countries // Journal of European Public Policy (2018) nr. 12, lk. 1779-1797.
    This article investigates whether migration policies in Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries have become more liberal or restrictive over the last decades and whether or not these policies have converged, especially among European Union (EU) countries. Owing to a lack of data, the few existing studies in this field have mostly focused on policy outcome data. Various and sometimes contradicting statements have therefore largely remained untested. This article analyses data from the Immigration Policies in Comparison (IMPIC) project that includes measures for different policy fields between 1980 and 2010 in all OECD states. We find that the conditions and criteria for entering and staying in a country have become more liberal. At the same time, however, we observe that more restrictive control mechanisms have been put in place. We also find that there is a general convergence trend in the migration policy field that varies in intensity, however, across policy fields. We only partially observe any Europeanization effects. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Morsut, Caludia ; Kruke, Bjørn Ivar. Crisis governance of the refugee and migrant influx into Europe in 2015: a tale of disintegration // Journal of European Integration (2018) nr. 1, lk. 145 – 159.
    This paper examines the crisis governance of the refugee and migrant influx into Europe in 2015 through the lenses of Kooiman’s modes of governance. The key theoretical perspectives rest upon the crisis and crisis governance literature and are applied to the initiatives taken by the European Commission and the Council in response to the so-called 2015 migrant and refugee crisis. This article questions the mode(s) of crisis governance applied by the EU to govern the massive influx of migrants and refugees. The main findings indicate that a mixed mode of governance should have been applied strategically, mainly inside the Council, in order to avoid national fragmented responses. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Schimmelfennig, Frank. European integration (theory) in times of crisis. A comparison of the euro and Schengen crises // Journal of European Public Policy (2018) nr. 7: Best Papers from the European Union Studies Association 2017 Biennial Conference, lk. 969-989.
    The European Union has gone through major crises of its two flagship integration projects of the 1990s: the euro and Schengen. Both crises had structurally similar causes and beginnings: exogenous shocks exposed the functional shortcomings of both integration projects and produced sharp distributional conflict among governments, as well as an unprecedented politicization of European integration in member state societies. Yet they have resulted in significantly different outcomes: whereas the euro crisis has brought about a major deepening of integration, the Schengen crisis has not. I put forward a neofunctionalist explanation of these different outcomes, which emphasizes variation in transnational interdependence and supranational capacity across the two policy areas. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Scipioni, Marco. Failing forward in EU migration policy? EU integration after the 2015 asylum and migration crisis // Journal of European Public Policy (2018) nr 9, lk. 1357-1375.
    By advancing integration through incomplete agreements, the European Union (EU) has created the very conditions for the emergence of crises, and this has, in turn, spurred on further agreements to deepen integration. Employing this theoretical lens, this article examines EU co-operation in asylum and migration that culminated in 2015 to determine whether crises are, in fact, integral to a cyclical process of EU integration rather than occasional events caused by external shocks. This is done by examining the failures and crises that emerged in migration and asylum policy up to 2015 and the agreements struck at EU level to address them. It is found that despite nominal action to address the weak monitoring mechanisms in use to date and incremental reinforcement of the constellation of institutions operating in this area, no solution has dealt with the critical lack of solidarity and absence of centralized institutions at the root of these issues. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Skleparis, Dimitris. ‘A Europe without Walls, without Fences, without Borders’: A Desecuritisation of Migration Doomed to Fail // Political Studies (2018) nr 4, lk.985-1001.
    It has been commonly argued that amid the so-called ‘migration crisis’ in 2015, Greece ignored its Dublin Regulation obligations due to unprecedentedly high migration flows, structural weaknesses, fears and uncertainty. However, this narrative deprives the Greek government of agency. In contrast, this article puts forward an alternative analysis of Greece’s attitude. It argues that the Greek government’s policy choices in the realms of border controls, migration and asylum in 2015, prior to the ‘EU–Turkey deal’, manifested a well-calculated desecuritisation strategy with a twofold aim. In this respect, this article provides an analysis of why and how the newly elected SYRIZA-led coalition government embarked on a desecuritising move and assesses the success/effectiveness of this move and the desecuritisation strategy. It argues that although the government’s desecuritising move was successful, overall, its desecuritisation strategy failed to produce the anticipated results vis-à-vis the government’s twofold aim and intended outcomes. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO), Sage Premier 2016]
  • Thym, Daniel. A. Court of Justice Judicial maintenance of the sputtering Dublin system on asylum jurisdiction: Jafari, A.S., Mengesteab and Shiri // Common Market Law Review (2018) nr. 2, lk. 549–568. (Paberväljaanne)
  • De Witte, Bruno ; Tsourdi, Evangelia (Lilian). ‘A. Court of Justice Confrontation on relocation – The Court of Justice endorses the emergency scheme for compulsory relocation of asylum seekers within the European Union: Slovak Republic and Hungary v. Council’ // Common Market Law Review (2018) nr 5, lk. 1457–1494. (Paberväljaanne)
  • Wolf, Marie ; Ossewaarde, MarinusThe political vision of Europe during the ‘refugee crisis’: missing common ground for integration // Journal of European Integration (2018) nr 1, lk. 33 – 50.
    This article analyses imaginaries of political decision makers of the European Union in the context of the ‘refugee crisis’ and interprets them according to theories of European integration – neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism. Speeches, interviews, statements and press releases of the 28 heads of state and government and two Commissioners are analysed through a qualitative content analysis. The aim of the article is to derive prospects for European integration from the imaginaries. We found that the European imaginaries expressed by the largest group of heads of state and government remain blurred without clarification which position is taken on European integration, while the imaginaries expressed by the Commissioners are mainly characterised by support of further integration. Our interpretation of the European imaginaries suggests that the prospects for further integration remain limited according to neofunctionalism, but are higher following liberal intergovernmentalism. In policy fields that are directly related to the management of the crisis further cooperation can be expected. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Xanthopoulou, Ermioni. ‘Mutual trust and rights in EU criminal and asylum law: Three phases of evolution and the uncharted territory beyond blind trust’ // Common Market Law Review (2018) nr. 2, lk. 489–509.
    This article examines the evolving relationship of mutual trust and fundamental rights in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice. The ECJ has long prioritized the effectiveness of instruments based on mutual trust through an unimpeded system of mutual recognition. Arguments based on a violation of fundamental rights were taken to contradict the presumption of compliance, refute mutual trust, and hinder automatic mutual recognition. The ECJ has now accepted, both in criminal and asylum law, that the presumption of compliance is not conclusive and mutual trust is not blind. The article observes an emergent, but carefully controlled dynamic of rights-based assessment through case-by-case analysis, illustrating three phases of mutual trust, but argues that this dynamic is slow, unclear and inadequate. It suggests that national authorities should take a proactive role, promoting real and constructive relationships of trust, allowing an individual assessment of rights violations via rights-based review. The latter is based on a proper understanding of trust, as an evolving concept based on evidence. Respect for rights, terminological clarity, enhanced judicial communication, and acknowledgment of shared values are the way forward. (Paberväljaanne)
akkordionipikktekst
  • Barbulescu, Roxana. Still a Beacon of Human Rights? Considerations on the EU Response to the Refugee Crisis in the Mediterranean // Mediterranean Politics (2017) nr. 2, lk. 301 -308.
    The European Union is a political union of democracies which protects human rights and presents itself as a beacon of human rights on the global scene. International and European human rights treaties provide asylum seekers, refugees and migrants with specific rights, which signatory states must defend. EU member states have been among the first to ratify such human rights treaties, including the UN Convention on the Status of Refugees (1951, the Geneva Convention), the European Convention of Human Rights (1950), the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (2007). What is more, the EU itself is seeking to accede to the European Convention of Human Rights.
    This Profile reviews the measures the EU has introduced in response to the crisis and highlights the problems they pose from a human rights perspective. Whether the EU will be able to respond to the unfolding crisis by providing international protection to those in need while simultaneously securing its external borders will be a yardstick by which to judge its human rights commitment. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Bhambra, Gurminder K. The current crisis of Europe: Refugees, colonialism, and the limits of cosmopolitanism // European Law Journal (2017) nr. 5, lk. 395 – 405.
    ‘Cosmopolitan Europe’, the normative commitment that is widely understood to undergird the project of the European Union, is under threat as never before. This is manifest perhaps most prominently in Europe’s collective failure to respond to the refugee crisis. As people flee war and destruction, we, in Europe, debate whether now is the time to give up on our human rights commitments. France is under a state of emergency and the UK in the process of withdrawing from the European Union and its associated institutions (including the European Convention on Human Rights). Voices have been raised against the burdens, financial and social, placed upon us by those we see as Other, with few public voices calling for Europe to remember its traditions of hospitality and stated commitments to human rights. In this article, I discuss the growing distance between the claims and practices of European cosmopolitanism, its roots in our shared colonial past, and the implications for the future. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO), Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Carlier, Jean-Yves ; Leboeuf, Luc. Choice of residence for refugees and subsidiary protection beneficiaries; variations on the equality principle:  Alo and Osso // Common Market Law Review (2017) nr. 2, lk. 631 – 644. (Paberväljaanne)
  • Cellini, Marco. Filling the Gap of the Dublin System: A Soft Cosmopolitan Approach // Journal of Contemporary European Research (2017) nr. 1
    This paper analyses the European legislation on asylum, the so-called ‘Dublin System’, finding three main issues affecting it a) the allocation of refugees between member states; b) the differences between member states in the treatment of asylum seekers and asylum applications; and c) the differences in the rights granted to the refugee status across member states. In addition, it examines the European Agenda on Migration that represents the official response of the EU to the present crisis. In the last section, it presents some proposal aimed to improve the European managing of refugees and asylum seekers. Following a moderated cosmopolitan approach, I propose the establishment of a limited citizenship for refugees that might be thought as a temporary citizenship conditioned to the possession of the refugee status. At this particular citizenship, one may apply different rights, but to face the issues encountered, it may be sufficient to connect to it only the freedom of movement and residence throughout the EU. I argue that such a policy would have a number of advantages and could at least partially solve the issues currently present in the European asylum policy. (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals)
  • Della Sala, Vincent. Homeland security: territorial myths and ontological security in the European Union // Journal of European Integration (2017)nr. 5, lk. 545 – 558.
    The EU may be a sui generis polity but it has not escaped the challenge of establishing narratives that help define its territoriality. Political narratives about territoriality, especially political myths, are important instruments for political communities to develop ontological security.
    The article argues that the European Union faced a dilemma in the refugee crisis in balancing its foundational values with a narrative about a territory with managed external borders. The EU’s territorial myth is not entirely successful in that it lacks some key narrative forms that are essential for widely diffused myths.  Territorial myths are not just about establishing borders but also about defining the community; so long as this remains ill-defined, the paper argues, territorial myths will contribute in a limited way to providing the ontological security to address pressing challenges. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Eigmüller, Monika. Beyond the crisis: The societal effects of the European transformation // European Law Journal (2017) nr. 5, lk. 350 – 360.
    The European Union has been in crisis mode for a decade now. Both the global economic and financial crisis of 2009 and, more recently, the so-called “refugee crisis” have clearly revealed the serious institutional misalignments of the EU, its absence of intergovernmental solidarity, and the fragility of a European construction that has achieved little more than the creation of a common market. The EU’s failure to successfully meet these challenges has led to a serious crisis of confidence, triggering widespread popular distrust of the EU and its institutions and suspiciousness towards politics and political decisions in general. At the same time, and somewhat paradoxically, Europeans still express support for the EU; furthermore, there are tangible shows of solidarity between European citizens. Thus, contrary to the common assumption, the lack of social integration matters considerably less than institutional misalignment and a failing process of system integration in accounting for the EU’s current crises and challenges. Thus it seems important to look more closely at the type of social integration involved, given the uncertain institutional supports. The question facing Europe today is what kind of trust and affective European attitude and sense of belonging that will sustain over time. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO), Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Grech, Philip. Undesired properties of the European Commission’s refugee distribution key // European Union Politics (2017) nr. 2, lk. 212 – 238.
    The European Commission has proposed a refugee distribution key, which yields respective quotas for European Union/European Free Trade Association member states. It is based on four quantities: GDP, population, asylum applications per capita in the past, and unemployment rates. I show that the given distribution key has properties which contradict the European Commission’s intentions. Exemplarily, states with low (high) unemployment may experience a lower (higher) quota when unemployment is taken into account compared to when it is not. These deviations are single-digit percentages. As a remedy, I propose an alternative distribution key, which avoids the undesired properties. It is modeled in the spirit of the European Commission’s proposal and is based on the same four quantities. Deviations between the two distribution keys are up to two-digit percentages. (Sage Journals Onlines)
  • den Heijer, Maarten. Remedies in the Dublin Regulation: Ghezelbash and Karim // Common Market Law Review (2017) nr. 3, lk. 859 – 871.
    Case C-63/15, Mehrdad Ghezelbash v. Staatssecretaris van Veilighed en Justitie , judgment of the Court (Grand Chamber) of 7 June 2016, EU:C:2016:409 and Case C-155/15, George Karim v. Migrationsverket, judgment of the Court (Grand Chamber) of 7 June 2016, EU:C:2016:410. (Paberväljaanne)
  • Little, Adrian ; Vaughan-Williams, Nick. Stopping boats, saving lives, securing subjects: Humanitarian borders in Europe and Australia // European Journal of International Relations (2017) nr. 3, lk. 533 – 556.
    In April 2015, former Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott called on European leaders to respond to the migration and refugee crisis in the Mediterranean by ‘stopping the boats’ in order to prevent further deaths. This suggestion resonated with the European Union Commission’s newly articulated commitment to both enhancing border security and saving lives.
    This article charts the increasing entanglement of securitisation and humanitarianism in the context of transnational border control and migration management. The analysis traces the global phenomenon of humanitarian border security alongside a series of spatial dislocations and temporal deferrals of ‘the border’ in both European and Australian contexts.
    While discourses of humanitarian borders operate according to a purportedly universal and therefore borderless logic of ‘saving lives’, the subjectivity of the ‘irregular’ migrant in need of rescue is one that is produced as spatially and temporally exceptional — the imperative is always to act in the here and the now — and therefore knowable, governable and ‘bordered’. (Sage Journals Onlines)
  • Mavelli, Luca. Governing populations through the humanitarian government of refugees: Biopolitical care and racism in the European refugee crisis // Review of International Studies (2017) nr 5, lk. 809 – 832.
    The notion of humanitarian government has been increasingly employed to describe the simultaneous and conflicting deployment of humanitarianism and security in the government of ‘precarious lives’ such as refugees. This article argues that humanitarian government should also be understood as the biopolitical government of host populations through the humanitarian government of refugees. In particular, it explores how the biopolitical governmentality of the UK decision to suspend search-and-rescue operations in the Mediterranean in 2014, and the British rejection and German welcoming of Syrian refugees primarily concern the biological and emotional care of the British and German populations. To this end, the article analyses how dynamics of inclusion/exclusion of refugees have been informed by a biopolitical racism that redraws the boundary between ‘valuable’ (to be included) and ‘not valuable’ (to be excluded) lives according to the refugees’ capacity to enhance the biological and emotional well-being of host populations. This discussion aims to contribute to three interrelated fields of research – namely, humanitarian government, biopolitical governmentality, and responses to the European refugee crisis – by exploring how biopolitics has shaped the British and German responses to the crisis and how it encompasses more meanings and rationalities than currently recognised by existing scholarship on humanitarian government. (ProQuest Research Library)
  • Nicolosi, Salvatore Fabio. Going Unnoticed? Diagnosing the Right to Asylum in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union // European Law Journal (2017) nr 1-2, lk. 94 – 117.
    Article 18 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union enshrines the right to asylum. Nonetheless, despite its ‘constitutionalisation’ within primary law, asylum remains a far too amorphous right, whose axiological potential has gone virtually unnoticed in the ongoing migratory crisis. The paper will argue that this is partly due to the fact that the Court of Justice on a few occasions has declined to clarify the scope of Article 18. The provision at issue therefore remains a pathological element that requires an adequate diagnosis on which accurate prognoses can be based. In an attempt to diagnose the right to asylum enshrined in Article 18 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU, this paper will compare different hermeneutical approaches and reflect on the contextualisation of the mentioned provision through the lens of domestic and EU case law and in the light of the recent EU–Turkey Statement. The article will ultimately propose to interpret the EU asylum legislation as instrumental to the effective exercise of the right to asylum.  [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO), Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Schoukens, Paul ; Buttiens, Siemen. Social protection of non-removable rejected asylum-seekers in the EU: A legal assessment // European Journal of Social Security (2017) nr. 4, lk. 313 – 334.
    Asylum-seekers whose application for international protection in the European Union (EU) is rejected receive a return decision. However, the enforcement of this decision may be temporarily impossible due to legal or practical barriers, or policy choices. An assessment of the provisions in the Returns Directive offering social protection to non-removable rejected asylum-seekers shows that only limited standards of protection are guaranteed. Consequently, the EU Member States are left plenty of room to manoeuvre. This article raises the question of what social protection this particular group is legally entitled to in a sample of 17 EU Member States. For the purpose of this article, ‘social protection’ is defined as access to the labour market, health care and social benefits. This study finds that Member States’ approaches differ markedly with respect to each of these three issues. Furthermore, it questions the added value of the current legal framework at the level of the EU. Finally, some suggestions for improving the level of social protection of non-removable rejected asylum seekers are put forward. (HeinOnline)
  • Sölter, Nicolas. The Abyss of Complexity: Some Remarks on European and German Law in the Migration Crisis // European Public Law (2017) nr.1, lk. 41 – 54.
    This article focuses on dysfunctions of European and German law in the face of mass migration. In particular, it reflects the German debate on the relation of domestic constitutional provisions and EU asylum law. Special attention is paid to the domestic separation of powers and tensions for federalism. (Paberväljaanne)
akkordionipikktekst
  • Cardwell, Paul James. Rethinking Law and New Governance in the European Union: the Case of Migration Management // European Law Review (2016) nr. 3, lk. 362 – 378.
    This article proposes a way forward in the debate about law and new governance in the contemporary European Union. Migration management is used a prism through which we can see what is happening in a significant area of EU activity and re-evaluate new governance, both in terms of its opportunities, but also crucially, its dangers. A rethink on new governance and its application to external migration implies an alteration of the lenses by which we see migration, by uncoupling new governance from its synergy with ‘good’ governance and to instead consider that new governance may offer policy-makers opportunities to meet goals beyond legislative processes. The article does not argue that new governance should be used in migration management. Rather, by using governance as an explanatory concept and providing a critique, the contribution of the article is to highlight the potential dangers that new modes of governance may pose to transparency and legitimacy in the contemporary EU, especially if they are used to bypass legislative processes and avoid civic involvement. (Westlaw International)
  • Czaika, Mathias ; Hobolth, Mogens. Do restrictive asylum and visa policies increase irregular migration into Europe? // European Union Politics (2016) nr. 3, lk. 345 – 365.
    This article investigates the extent to which restrictive asylum and visa policies trigger an unintended behavioural response of potential and rejected asylum seekers. Based on our analysis of bilateral asylum and visa policies on migrant flows to 29 European states in the 2000s, we find evidence of a significant deflection into irregularity at work. Our estimates suggest that a 10% increase in asylum rejections raises the number of irregular migrants by on average 2% to 4%, and similarly, a 10% increase in short-stay visa rejections leads to a 4% to 7% increase in irregular border entries. We identify significant nuances in the impact of restrictive asylum and visa policies on the number of apprehensions ‘at the border’ versus ‘on territory’. (Sage Journals Onlines)
  • den Heijer, Maarten ; Rijpma, Jorrit ;  Spijkerboer, Thomas. Coercion, prohibition, and great expectations: The continuing failure of the Common European Asylum System // Common Market Law Review (2016) nr. 3, lk 607 – 642.
    This contribution explains the European asylum policy crisis from three structural weaknesses of the Common European Asylum System: its reliance on coercion within the EU; its unrealistic expectations of what borders can achieve; and the premise of prohibition of refugee movement in its external dimension. The article then critically reviews the proposals that the EU has submitted since the publication of the European migration agenda in May 2015, in the light of recent developments. (Paberväljaanne)
  • Editorial Comments: Presiding the Union in times of crisis: The unenviable task of the Netherlands // Common Market Law Review (2016) nr. 2, lk. 327 – 337.
    The problems that the Dutch Presidency of the Council of the European Union will face over the next six months are outlined. This article details of the current refugee crisis and how it has damaged cooperation within the Union. The outcome of Britain’s renegotiation of its membership is explained and the impact that has had on the European Union more generally. (Paberväljaanne)
  • Greenhill, Kelly M. Open Arms Behind Barred Doors: Fear, Hypocrisy and Policy Schizophrenia in the European Migration Crisis // European Law Journal (2016) nr. 3, lk. 317 – 332.
    In 2015, over one million refugees and migrants arrived in Europe, laying bare the limitations of the EU’s common border control and burden-sharing systems. This article examines consequences of the EU’s disjoint, schizophrenic and, at times, hypocritical responses to what has become known as the European migration crisis. It explains how unilateral, national-level responses have made the EU as a whole particularly susceptible to a unique brand of coercive bargaining that relies on the threat (or actual generation) of mass population movements as a non-military instrument of state-level coercion. After outlining who employs this kind of foreign policy tool, to what ends, and under what circumstances, the article offers an illustration of this kind of coercion in action, by analyzing the March 2016 deal between the EU and Turkey. The article concludes with a discussion of broader consequences of the deal and implications both for the displaced and for the EU going forward. (Academic Search Complete (EBSCO); Business Source Complete (EBSCO))
  • Nicolosi, Salvatore Fabio. Emerging challenges of the Temporary Relocation Measures under EU Asylum Law // European Law Review (2016) nr. 3, lk. 338-361.
    The ongoing migratory pressure on the EU has had a dramatic impact on frontline Member States, especially Greece and Italy, confirming the systemic failure of the Dublin system to allocate State responsibility for an asylum application and urging immediate actions in the framework of the recent European Agenda on Migration to cope with the increasing number of asylum seekers. Against this backdrop, the article investigates the nature and scope of the recent provisional measures that have been adopted to relocate within the EU asylum seekers who have applied for international protection in Greece and Italy. By discussing the main emerging challenges within the broader EU asylum law framework, including those stemming from the recent EU-Turkey deal, it will be posited that, despite constituting an important first move to the implementation of a model of solidarity across the EU, an effective system of relocation of asylum seekers must depart from the existing logic of responsibility allocation and address the different needs for protection in the reception of asylum seekers. (Westlaw International)
  • Savino, Mario. Irregular migration at the crossroads, between administrative removal and criminal deterrence: The Celaj Case // Common Market Law Review (2016), nr. 5, lk. 1419 – 1439.
    Case C-290/14, Skerdjan Celaj, Judgement of the Court of Justice (Fourth Chamber) of 1. October 2015, EU:C:2015:640. (Paberväljaanne)
  • Schnyder, Melissa. The Structure of Diversity among Migrant Rights Organisations in Europe: Implications for Supranational Political Participation // Journal of Contemporary European Research (2016) nr. 4 (2016).
    European umbrella organisations that promote migrant and refugee rights seek to influence EU policy-making in the context of Europe’s ‘migration and refugee crisis’. From a functional representation perspective, their legitimacy rests on being representative of large constituencies that actively participate in their work. Yet past research on national migrant rights organisations underscores that, due to their diversity, priorities within the movement are not uniform. Different scholars come to different conclusions regarding the cleavages that define the movement. Moreover, it remains unclear how these cleavages impact participation in European umbrella organisations. This paper investigates these questions by empirically examining the cleavages among the membership base of two EU umbrella organisations: the European Council on Refugees and Exiles and the European Network Against Racism. Data come from a content analysis of member organisations’ websites and interviews with directors of European umbrella organisations. (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals)
  • Stockemer, Daniel. Structural Data on Immigration or Immigration Perceptions? What Accounts for the Electoral Success of the Radical Right in Europe? // Journal of Common Market Studies (2016) nr 4, lk. 999 – 1016.
    Targeting immigrants as a threat to employment, security and cultural cohesion, the radical right has averaged 10 percent of the vote in elections. What drives this vote? Are voters affected by the numbers of foreign-born individuals in a geographical region, by negative perceptions about immigrants, or both? In this article, I entertain the possibility that it is not the number of foreigners but citizens’ perceptions about immigrants that explain individuals’ tendencies to vote for the radical right. To test this stipulation, I combine European Social Survey (ESS) data on individual perceptions of immigrants for more than 25,000 individuals with macro-level data on the actual percentage of foreign-born citizens across 200 European regions. Using a bivariate and multivariate framework, I highlight that it is only the individual perceptions of immigration indicator, and not the number of foreign-born citizens, that is positively related to higher support for radical right-wing parties. (Business Source Complete (EBSCO))
  • Trauner, Florian. Asylum policy: the EU’s ‘crises’ and the looming policy regime failure // Journal of European Integration (2016) nr. 3.
    What has been the impact of the European Union (EU)’s multifaceted crisis on asylum law and policy development? The article argues that the EU has sought to safeguard the core of its asylum policy by adding new layers of policy instruments in response to both the financial and economic crisis post-2008 and the refugee crisis starting in 2015. These instruments have had the overarching aim of providing EU member states facing high migratory pressures and/or financial constraints with additional support. Their efficiency, however, has remained questionable, reflected by a widening gap between the EU’s asylum laws and actual asylum practices of member states. By avoiding a paradigm shift in asylum policy, the EU has come to face a difficult situation: the implementation of the existing EU asylum rules may overburden southern member states while the perpetuated ignorance of these rules risks overburdening northern member states. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Zaun, Natascha. Why EU asylum standards exceed the lowest common denominator: the role of regulatory expertise in EU decision-making // Journal of European Public Policy (2016) nr.1, lk. 136 – 154.
    While scholars traditionally expected EU policy-making in the area of asylum to produce lowest common denominator standards, recent studies on the first phase of the Common European Asylum System have observed higher asylum standards in some instances. This article aims at explaining this divergence. Drawing on concepts of regulatory expertise and ‘misfit’, it argues that the observed variation in policy output can be explained by the dominance of a few (Northern) member states which were highly successful in inserting their positions in the core EU directives. Government effectiveness and exposure to the phenomenon entailing regulatory expertise provide a powerful explanation for member states being effective policy-shapers. Characterized by low levels of government effectiveness and exposure in the asylum area, Southern European countries were, on the contrary, rather passive during the negotiations and barely left any mark on the EU directives. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Бибикова, О.П. = Bibikova O.P. Миграционный кризис 2015 г. в Европе и его последствия = The European migration crisis 2015 and its consequences // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 61- 82.
    The author analyzes the reasons for the large-scale migration flow to Europe, where more than a million refugees from different countries have arrived in the continent, including the Muslim radicals, under the guise of “Syrian refugees”. (Paberväljaanne)
  • Большова Н. Н. “Пегида” как пример массовых протестных движений, возникших в Европе под влиянием миграционного кризиса// ПОЛИС. Политические исследования (2016) nr. 3, lk. 123 – 137.
    В статье проводится анализ движения “Пегида” – нового социально-политического феномена, возникшего в Германии. Экзогенными причинами его возникновения стали наплыв беженцев из стран Северной Африки и Ближнего Востока, а также угроза терроризма со стороны радикальных исламистов. Социальные сети, актуализировавшие страхи населения, выступили дополнительным усиливающим фактором. В качестве эндогенных причин послужили социальные и политические процессы в современном немецком обществе: рост экстремистских настроений и ксенофобии, сохранение социального и экономического неравенства между восточными и западными землями, непреодоленный до сих пор кризис идентичности в восточной Германии. “Пегида” бросила своего рода вызов немецкой общественно-политической системе и перспективам демократического развития, проблематичного в условиях нарастания экстремистских тенденций в обществе, входящих в конфликт с базовыми принципами плюрализма и равноправия всех граждан. Опыт Германии представляет особый исследовательский интерес, поскольку в Европе это не единственный случай протестного движения, инициированного и активизируемого миграционным кризисом. (Paberväljaanne)
  • Долгов, Б. В. = Dolgov, B.V. Миграционный кризис в Европе и радикальный ислам = Migration crisis in Europe and radical islam // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 83-103.
    The causes of the migrant crisis conditioned by the short-sighted policy of the European Union, which followed the USA geo-political interests as regards to the countries of the Arab Muslim world are examined in the article. (Paberväljaanne)
  • Кондратьева, Т. С.= Kondratyeva, T. S. Великобританния: Референдум о выходе из ЕС и проблема иммиграции = The United Kingdom: Referendum on Brexit and the immigration problem  // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 216-243.
    The British approach to the migration crises impact on the relationship between Great Britain and the European Union is discussed also. (Paberväljaanne)
  • Нарочницкая, Е.А.= Narochnitskaya E.A. Кризис “беженцев” и иммиграционный вопрос в Европе = “Refugee crisis” and the immigration question in Europe  // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 20-37.
    Most of the EU countries have been receiving large numbers of immigrants for several decades. According to official dogma, immigration is an essentially positive process which nevertheless requires efforts to manage its scale and patterns. As for European societies, they seem to have been deeply divided with regard to immigration policies. (Paberväljaanne)
  • Новоженова, И.С. = Novozhenova, I.S. Миграционный кризис и положение беженцев во Франции = France: Crisis of migrants´integration policy // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 157-180.
    Government policy on the refugees admission; French legislation related to refugees and asylumsekers; financing of the EU and French activities in response to the migration crisis are examined in this article. (Paberväljaanne)
  • Погорельская, С.В. = Pogorelskaya, S.V. “Похищение Европы”: Германская политика в ходе преодоления Евросоюзом иммиграционного кризиса 2015 – начала 2016 г. = “Abduction of Europe”: German policy in the process of overcoming of the immigration crisis in the EU (2015 – beginning of 2016) // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 104-139.
    The situation in German politics and society during the immigration crisis in the EU is considered in the context of German and EU measures to overcome it. (Paberväljaanne)
  • Потемкина, О.Ю. = Potemkina, O. Yu. Миграционный кризис и политика Европейского союза = Migration crisis and the European Union policy // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 38-60.
    The article is devoted to the EU policy on managing the migration crisis in 2015-2016.The author analyses political and legal instruments that have been proposed by the EU Commission as well as the causes of their failure. (Paberväljaanne)
  • Примакова, Н. С. = Primakova, N.S. Италиа перед лицом миграционного кризиса: Методы урегулирования и последствия для итальянского общества = Italy in the face of migration crisis: Methods of settlement and the consequences for the Italian society // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 181-215.
    This paper reviews the dynamics of the immigration flows in Italy in 2014-2015. The regulation of the migration crisis by the Italian government on the national and supranational levels is analyzed. (Paberväljaanne)
  • Чернега, В.Н. = Chernega V.N. Франция: Кризис политики интеграции мигрантов = France: Crisi of migrants´integration policy // Актуальные проблемы Европы = Urgent problems of Europe : научный журнал (2016) No. 4, c. 140-156.
    The artcile considers French policy in the area of migration from the 20s of the last century to the present day. (Paberväljaanne)
akkordionipikktekst
  • Baldi, Gregory ; Goodman, Sara Wallace. Migrants into members: social rights, civic requirements, and citizenship in Western Europe // West European Politics (2015) nr. 6, lk. 1152-1173. How do the states in Western Europe turn outsiders into insiders? This article examines that question by introducing a new qualitative framework that we term national membership conditionality structures (MCS). This framework includes not only status acquisition rules, such as those governing naturalisation and settlement, but also, crucially, civic integration requirements and social benefit eligibility standards. (Westlaw International; Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Betts, Alexander; Collier, Paul. Help Refugees Help Themselves. Let Displaced Syrians Join the Labor Market // Foreign Affairs (2015) nr. 6, lk. 84-92.
    There are now some 60 million displaced people around the world, more than at any time since World War II. The Syrian crisis alone, which has created the largest refugee shock of the era, has displaced some ten million people, around four million of them across international borders. In recent months, Western attention has focused almost exclusively on the flood of these refugees to Europe. Yet most of the Syrian refugees have been taken in not by Western countries but by Syria’s neighboring states: Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, whose capacity has been overwhelmed. (Academic Search Complete (EBSCO); Business Source Complete (EBSCO); MasterFILE Premier (EBSCO); HeinOnline; JSTOR; ProQuest) 
  • Bogojevic, Sanja ; Groussot, Xavier ; Medzmariashvili, Megi. Adequate Legal Protection and Good Administration in EU Asylum Procedures: H.N. and Beyond // Common Market Law Review (2015) nr. 6, lk. 1635–1659.
  • Claes H. Real world is not enough: the media as an additional source of negative attitudes toward immigration, comparing Denmark and the Netherlands // European Sociological Review (2015) nr. 3, lk. 268-283.
    Most people are unable to accurately estimate the number of immigrants in their country. Nonetheless, it has been argued that the size of the immigrant population would affect people’s immigration attitudes. Part of the effect of immigration on attitudes occurs not so much because of real immigration figures, but rather because of media reporting about immigration. In this study, negative attitudes towards immigration are explained by investigating the impact of the salience and the tone of immigration topics in the news media vis-à-vis the impact of immigration statistics. The cases of Denmark and the Netherlands are analysed for a period from 2003 to 2010, using a multilevel design. (Oxford University Press Journals; JSTOR)
  • Karreth, Johannes ; Singh, Shane P. ; Stojek, Szymon M. Explaining attitudes toward immigration: the role of regional context and individual predispositions // West European Politics (2015) nr. 6, lk. 1174-1202.
    Existing research makes competing predictions and yields contradictory findings about the relationships between natives’ exposure to immigrants and their attitudes toward immigration. Engaging this disjuncture, this article argues that individual predispositions moderate the impact of exposure to immigrants on negative attitudes toward immigrants. Negative attitudes toward immigration are more likely among individuals who are most sensitive to such threats. Because country-level studies are generally unable to appropriately measure the immigration context in which individuals form their attitudes, this article uses a newly collected dataset on regional immigration patterns in Austria, Germany, and Switzerland to test the argument. The data show that increasing and visible diversity is associated with negative attitudes toward immigrants, but only among natives on the political right. This finding improves the understanding of attitudes toward immigrants and immigration and has implications for the study of attitudes toward other policies and for immigration policy itself. (Westlaw International; Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Menz, Georg. The promise of the principal-agent approach for studying EU migration policy: The case of external migration control // Comparative European Politics (2015) no. 3, lk. 307–324. The creation of European Union (EU) common asylum and migration policy has entailed involving governments from neighbouring countries in control and detention functions. Much of the existing literature treats this phenomenon as a mere extension of the more general embrace of communitization. Such transfer of sovereignty in a highly politicized policy domain is remarkable, yet, as is demonstrated, cannot be understood through the lens of the two major schools of European integration studies. This article adopts the prism of the principal-agent approach to study the implications and dynamics of the extension of immigration control policy beyond the geographical remit of Europe. (ProQuest)
  • Ostrand, Nicole. The Syrian Refugee Crisis: A Comparison of Responses by Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States // Journal of Migration and Human Security (2015) nr. 3, lk. 255-279. This paper looks at the burdens and costs of the Syrian refugee crisis and considers how they have, or have not, been shared by the international community at large, and in particular by Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. It also considers to what degree Syrians have been able to find protection in states outside the region. 
  • Reslow, Natasja. An Incompetent Actor? Assessing EU External Migration Policy // European Foreign Affairs Review (2015) nr. 4, lk. 471–493.
    2015 has seen thousands of migrants undertake desperate and risky journeys across the Mediterranean in order to try to reach Europe. Cooperation with non-EU countries has been emphasized in policy documents as an essential tool in managing these migration flows. However, this presupposes that the EU is able to act deliberately and purposively in international migration governance. Building on the literature on EU external relations, this article assesses the actorness of the EU in international migration governance in terms of authority, existence of policy instruments, policy determinacy, coordination mechanisms, rules of participation in international institutions, recognition by third countries, autonomy of the EU institutions, and cohesion. It concludes that legal competence is central to the ability of the EU to play a role in international migration governance.
  • Valenta, Marko ; Zuparic-Iljic, Drago ; Vidovic, Tea. The Reluctant Asylum-Seekers: Migrants at the Southeastern Frontiers of the European Migration System // Refugee Survey Quarterly (2015) nr. 3, lk. 95-113.
    Several Member States of the European Union in Southeastern Europe have experienced increased pressure on their asylum systems after they joined the Union. The latest member of the European Union, Croatia, has received lower numbers of asylum-seekers than most other countries in Southeastern Europe. This article explores migrants assessments of the benefits of arriving, staying, and leaving the country and indicates the push and pull factors that generate asylum migration through the region.
    (Oxford University Press Journals) 
  • Veebel, Viljar ; Markus, Raul. Europe´s Refugee Crisis in 2015 and Security Threats from the Baltic Perspective // Journal of Politics and Law (2015) nr 4.
    Recent developments in Europe starting with the Russia-Ukraine conflict and ending with the economic and political instability in Greece have given rise to instability in the European Union. Yet, none of the previous crises could be compared with the crisis concerning the current massive influx of refugees into the EU that challenges both solidarity and responsibility of the member states. In this context, it is extremely important to understand the actual security threats related to the refugee crisis, particularly for the Baltic countries that have linked their security with European Union and the NATO. Particularly in Estonia and in Latvia, the refugee crisis has been presented as a high security matter as possible rejection of the EU-migrant could lead to the country’s isolation from the international community, the loss of the NATO security network and its exposure to the security threats from Russia. Alternative decision to accept the refugee quotas could on the other hand create challenges for internal security in terms of legitimacy of national governments and public support to refugee policy. In the light of recent terrorist attacks in France these questions seem even growingly important. (HeinOnline; ProQuest)

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2020

  • Beirens, Hanne. Chasing Efficiency: Can Operational Changes Fix European Asylum Systems? / Migration Policy Institute, March 2020.
    With new EU leadership having taken office in late 2019, Brussels is hungry for fresh ideas that will either revive or reform the Common European Asylum System. The scale and pace of asylum-seeker arrivals on European shores in 2015–16 pushed many Member State systems to a breaking point and brought into glaring focus problems—such as incomplete registration of new arrivals and lengthy case processing backlogs—that existed even before the crisis. Several years on, proposals to address these and other issues through reforms to the EU legal framework for asylum have stalled. Yet, this has also been a period of intense innovation at the national level. Member States have tested new or revamped old ideas to improve the operation of their asylum systems—how they register those seeking protection, offer them reception and material assistance, investigate their protection claims, and then, if their cases are rejected, return them to their origin countries.
  • The future of migration to Europe /ed. by Matteo Villa - Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI), March 2020.
    This Report tries to take a glimpse into the future of migration to Europe. It analyses the structural trends underlying migration flows, the interaction between migration and specific policy fields (such as development, border management, and integration), and the policies to put in place for safe and orderly migration.
  • Kugiel, Patryk ;  Erstad, Henriette U. ;  Bøås, Morten ; Szymańska, Jolanta. Can Aid Solve the Root Causes of Migration? A Framework for Future Research on the Development-Migration Nexus / The Polish Institute of International Affairs, March 2020.
    An important dimension of the European Union’s response to the 2015 refugee and migration management crisis has been to address the root causes of irregular migration. A major tool the EU has to mitigate push factors of migration is development assistance. Yet, the literature shows that the casual relationship between aid and migration is complex and far from obvious. This article summarises the ongoing debates and major findings concerning the development-migration nexus in order to better inform policymakers about the potential risks and shortcomings of using aid in migration management. It suggests a framework for future research on what kind of assistance might work, for whom, and where. 

2019
 

  • Schmölz, Birgit. Misunderstanding, conflict and divisions between the Visegrad Group and the European Union – an analytical discourse beyond the public cliché of the migration crisis / CES Working Papers, 2019.
    The current connection between the European Union (EU) and the Visegrad group (V4) seems to resemble a parent-child relation: the perception of a dictating European Commission, on the one hand, and a rather stubborn driven behaviour on part of the Visegrad players, on the other hand, is undeniable. Certainly, the migration crisis was a crucial issue for both sides and it definitely destabilised the harmony balance between the EU and the Central Eastern European (CEE) states. Hence, the question raised is whether there are more fundamental reasons behind the phenomena of a highly tensed environment. This paper strives for an explanation on the self-perceived role of the Visegrad format and the perception of the 'other' within the European Union.
     
  • Schramm, Lucas. Solidarity : from the heart or by force? : the failed German leadership in the EU’s refugee and migrant crisis / EUI Working Papers, 2019.
    In 2015 and 2016, the European Union (EU) and (some of) its member states faced a very high number of asylum-seekers. Germany, which particularly was affected by this inflow, sought to ‘europeanise’ the phenomenon and to distribute the loads more evenly across the EU – but met major resistance. Contrarily to the widely held view that Germany, in recent years, had shaped European politics, it largely failed with its main policy proposals in the refugee and migrant crisis. To uncover the reasons, this contribution applies an analytical framework of political leadership and post-functionalist theory. Based on the latest academic research, relevant newspaper articles and self-conducted expert interviews, it is argued that there might have been supply of but not sufficient demand for successful German political leadership. The largely failed German leadership is illustrated by two characteristics: first, the setting-up and poor implementation of a European relocation mechanism for refugees; and second, a course correction with regards to its policy proposals by the German government itself in the course of the crisis.
  • The global compact on refugees: Strengthening international cooperation to ease the plight of refugees in the world / European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Service, 2019.
    Recent large-scale flows of refugees and migrants have brought to the world’s attention more forcefully than ever the plight of persons who are forced to flee their homes because of war, insecurity or persecution. They have also exposed how ill-prepared the international community has been to deal with this challenge and how uneven the distribution of the burden of caring for such people has been among countries. In 2016, to enhance preparedness for refugee crises, improve the situation of refugees and relieve the burden on host societies, the United Nations (UN) member states convened in New York and adopted a declaration paving the way for a non-binding international compact on refugees. They annexed to this declaration a comprehensive refugee response framework that spelled out a series of short- and longer-term measures to address refugee crises. The framework has been applied in several pilot countries and the lessons learnt fed into a global compact on refugees. The compact was drafted by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) following broad consultations with various stakeholders, and its definitive version was adopted by the UN General Assembly with a large majority on 17 December 2018. The global compact focuses on international-, regional- and national-level mechanisms for achieving a fairer distribution of the responsibilities related to refugees, and on areas where action can be improved. It has been criticised, among other things, for its non-binding character and for excluding victims of natural disasters from its scope. This is an updated edition of a Briefing published in June 2018.

2018

  • Recent migration flows to the EU / European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Service, 2018.
    This infographic aimed to present the latest available data on migrant flows to the EU in the year 2017. It covered the detection of illegal crossings on the EU’s external borders, numbers of deaths of migrants on those crossings, the number of asylum applications in EU Member States and their decisions on those applications.
  • Bräuninger, Dieter. Reform of the Common European Asylum System: A difficult undertaking / Deutsche Bank Research: EU Monitor, 2018.
    In the spring of 2018 the EU institutions were about to decide on major new rules regarding the reception and the treatment of asylum applicants as well as their allocation among member states. The trigger for the intended reforms related to the current regulatory framework’s shortcomings that emerged during the refugee crisis: an uneven sharing of responsibilities for asylum procedures and massive irregular migration within the EU. However, the Dublin procedure recast has stalled, as several member states strictly refuse the planned corrective mechanism for a fair sharing of responsibility. The prospects seemed to be more favourable with regard to the harmonisation of the asylum procedures and conditions.
  • Scazzieri, Luigi. To manage migration, the EU needs to rethink its neighbourhood policy / Centre for European Reform, 2018.
    The main thrust of the EU’s response to the migration crisis has been to enlist the co-operation of third countries in an attempt to better control its own borders. This approach has been successful in reducing the number of arrivals to 205,000 in 2017, from 1.8 million in 2015. However, it had come at a high human cost. Migrants’ human rights had been abused on route, especially in Libya where they were subject to imprisonment and violence, and sometimes even sold as slaves. Migration cannot be managed by the EU alone and its current approach would become increasingly difficult to sustain. Managing migration was a long-term endeavour that required much deeper co-operation with countries to Europe’s south, within the framework of a renewed neighbourhood policy that provided far greater access to European markets. By rethinking its approach to the southern neighbourhood, the EU would not only be able to move towards a more humane and effective way of managing migration, but also foster economic growth and political stability in a region that was vital to Europe’s security.

2017

  • Bauböck, Rainer ; Tripkovic, Milena. The integration of migrants and refugees : an EUI forum on migration, citizenship and demography / Florence : European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, 2017.
    This book addresses the challenges that the current migration and refugee crisis poses to the traditional integration mechanisms and processes employed by European countries. These challenges arise from the unprecedented number of migrants and refugees that have recently entered Europe; the mostly unregulated and uncontrolled nature of this new immigration; the burden that this puts on those European countries that have previously had very little experience with immigration and integration; the desire of immigrants and refugees to settle in specific countries; the security concerns that have arisen in the aftermath of terrorist attacks. The book explores the medium and long-term impact of these and other challenges on the debate and measurement of the success of immigrant integration. It covers four aspects of integration: (I) citizenship and legal statuses, (II) education, (III) labor market integration, (IV) cultural integration.
  • Parkes, Roderick. Nobody move! Myths of the EU migration crisis / European Union Institute for Security Studies: Chaillot Papers, 2017.
    This Chaillot Paper contextualises the dilemmas facing EU policymakers as Europe experienced an unprecedented influx of migrants and refugees in 2015-2016. Analysing and comparing the differing perspectives of external experts and internal practitioners, it examines how the EU’s enlargement, neighbourhood and development policies evolved in response to the migration crisis.

2016

  • Fasani, Francesco. Refugees and Economic Migrants: Facts, policies and challenges  / VOX, 2016.
    This eBook offers a brief summary of what economists have learnt about migration in several crucial areas of policymaking, and identifies most of the important questions that still remain to be answered  (e-raamatu allalaadimiseks vajalik eelnev registreerimine portaali kasutajaks).
  • Guild, Elspeth ; Carrera, Sergio. Rethinking asylum distribution in the EU: Shall we start with the facts? / CEPS Commentary, 2016.
  • King, Russell ; Lulle, Aija. Research on migration. Facing realities and maximising opportunities : a policy review.- Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2016.
  • Ktistakis,Yannis. Protecting migrants under the European Convention on Human Rights and the European Social Charter (2nd edition) / updated by Evgenia Giakoumopoulou. – Report by the Secretary General of the Council of Europe, 2016.
    Ensuring implementation of relevant commitments under the European Convention on Human Rights, whilst managing overwhelming numbers of refugees and migrants, represents today a significant challenge for all member States of the Council of Europe. This handbook, produced by the Directorate General of Human Rights and Rule of Law, is a practical tool for legal professionals from Council of Europe member states who wish to strengthen their skills in applying the European Convention on Human Rights and the case law of the European Court of Human Rights in their daily work.
  • Legrain Philippe. Refugees work: investment that yields economic dividends / Tent Foundation ; Open Political Economy Network, 2016.
  • Lehne, Stefan. Upgrading the EU’s Migration Partnerships / Carnegie Europe, 2016.
  • Malmersjo, Gertrud ; Remac, Milan. Combatting migrant smuggling into the EU / Euroopa Parlament, briifing, 2016.
  • Mandl, Christian. Die Kosten von “Nicht-Schengen”. Wirtschaftliche Auswirkungen neuer Grenzen in Europa / Österreichische Gesellschaft für Europapolitik, 2016.
  • Pascouau, Yves. EU migration policies after the US elections: pushing the limits? / European Policy Centre, 2016.
  • Research on migration. Facing realities and maximising opportunities : a policy review / Teadusuuringute ja innovatsiooni peadirektoraat (Euroopa Komisjon), 2016.
    This policy review synthesises the main findings from several European projects dealing with migration. Where possible, these findings are matched, or occasionally contrasted, with key insights from the wider research literature on migration and with policy documents. An introductory chapter sets the scene with regard to the ongoing European debate on migration and gives some basic facts and figures. Chapter 2, the first of three substantive chapters, presents research related to the two-way interaction between policies and flows, with a focus on regular migration. Chapter 3 tackles the complex issue of migrants’ integration from a variety of perspectives – economic, social, cultural, spatial and political. Chapter 4 explores the migration – development nexus, and specifically the potential of migration for stimulating development in migrants’ countries of origin. A concluding chapter highlights key findings and policy implications. The title of this report ‘Migration: Facing Realities and Maximising Opportunities’ indicates its main narrative arc. The challenges and dilemmas posed by migration have to be faced in a way which is both principled and pragmatic. Wherever and whenever possible, these challenges and realities should be ‘turned’ into a scenario where the potential benefits of migration are maximised for all actors concerned.
  • Time for Europe to get migrant integration right / Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, 2016.
    The arrival of over one million people seeking protection in our continent in recent months has profoundly shaken Europe and found European governments unprepared to face up to the challenge of providing adequate reception. Preoccupied with short-term imperatives, European governments have lost sight of more long-term challenges posed by these arrivals. Little, if any, significant debate about how to promote the successful integration of these migrants into their new host societies has taken place. With this paper, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights fills this gap and provides guidance to governments and parliaments on the design and implementation of successful integration policies. In particular, he presents the international legal standards which govern this field and sets forth a number of recommendations to facilitate the integration of migrants, with a focus on family reunification, residence rights, language and integration courses, access to the labour market and quality education, as well as protection from discrimination.
  • Vimont, Pierre. Migration in Europe: Bridging the Solidarity Gap / Carnegie Europe, 2016.

2015

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Documents

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The role of the European Union (EU) in protecting those in need is set in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union and in the Consolidated version of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. It is also an international obligation under the 1951 Refugee Convention.

 

Research

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Research
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DSpace at University of Tartu

  • Jarosak, Daniel Robert. Euroscepticism and EKRE: How Nativism Influences the Euroscepticism of Estonia’s Largest Populist Radical Right Party : MA Thesis / Advisor: Heiko Paabo ; Co-Supervisor: Zdzislaw Mach ; University of Tartu, Faculty of Social Sciences, Johan Skytte Institute of Political Studies. – Tartu: University of Tartu, 2019.
  • Kivilaan, Kerli. Who voted for Brexit? The sociodemographic profile of „Leave“-voters: Bachelor’s Thesis / supervisor: Piret Ehin ; University of Tartu, Faculty of Social Sciences, Johan Skytte Institute of Political Studies. – Tartu: University of Tartu, 2017.
  • Kvirkvelia, Nino. Investigating the features of three Italian populist parties (Lega Nord, Forza Italia, 5 Star Movement) in terms of leadership and party claims : master’s thesis / supervisor: Stefano Braghiroli ; University of Tartu, European College, European Union – Russian Studies. – Tartu: University of Tartu, 2014.
  • Lipa, Bardh. Towards the mainstream? The AfD as a case study : MA thesis / Supervisor: Vassilis Petsinis; University of Tartu, Faculty of Social Sciences, Johan Skytte Institute of Political Studies. – Tartu: University of Tartu, 2018.
  • Merila, Eliise. From Thatcher to May: framing the evolution of British euroscepticism until Brexit: Bachelor’s thesis / supervisor: Stefano Braghiroli ; University of Tartu, Faculty of Social Sciences, Johan Skytte Institute of Political Studies. – Tartu: University of Tartu, 2017.
  • Ocheretyanyy, Ilya. Poland and Hungary: a comparison of different varieties of Euroscepticism within the EU : MA thesis / Supervisor: Eoin Micheál McNamara ; University of Tartu, Faculty of Social Sciences, Johan Skytte Institute of Political Studies. – Tartu: University of Tartu, 2019.
  • Orti Manara, Ginevra. How Exogenous Factors Redirect Voter Preferences: The Case of Italy and Lega Nord : MA Thesis / Supervisor: Stefano Braghiroli; University of Tartu, Faculty of Social Sciences, Johan Skytte Institute of Political Studies,  Tartu: University of Tartu, 2019.
  • Siniloo, Gert. Populist foreign policy making by right-wing eurosceptics in the European Parliament: MA thesis / supervisor: Stefano Braghiroli. – University of Tartu, Faculty of Social Sciences, Johan Skytte Institute of Political Studies. – Tartu: University of Tartu, 2018.
  • Soosaar, Rain. European identity through the lens of the Polish right-wing media : MA thesis / Supervisor: Vassilis Petsinis ; Univerisy of Tartu, Faculty of Social Sciences, Johan Skytte Institute of Political Studies. – Tartu: University of Tartu, 2019.
  • Tölgyesi, Beatrix. The role of populist parties in the geopolitical discourse in Lithuania : Master’s thesis / Supervisor: Heiko Pääbo; University of Tartu, Faculty of Social Sciences, Johan Skytte Institute of Political Studies, Centre for Baltic Studies. – Tartu: University of Tartu, 2016.
  • Vera, Roberto. Philosophical alternatives to populism : Master’s Thesis in Philosophy / Supervisor: Siobhan Kattago; University of Tartu, Institute of Philosophy and Semiotics.- Tartu: University of Tartu, 2018.
  • Wylegalski, Adam. Solidarity-based versus liberal Poland: Jaroslaw Kaczynski`s discourse of thin-centered populism in the light of Norman Fairclough`s critical discourse analysis : MA thesis / Supervisor: Martin Mölder ; University of Tartu, Faculty of Social Sciences, Johan Skytte Institute of Political Studies. – Tartu: University of Tartu, 2018.

Tallinn University of Technology (TalTech)

  • Grönlund, Josefiina Jael. Drivers of Euroscepticism in France and in the United Kingdom : bakalaureusetöö / juhendaja: Antonius Johannes Hubertus Notermans ; Tallinna Tehnikaülikool, majandusteaduskond, rahvusvaheliste suhete instituut, Euroopa uuringute õppetool. – Tallinn : Tallinn Tehnikaülikool, 2016.
  • Venho, Kirsi Karoliina. The Rise of the Far Right in Europe : bakalaureusetöö / juhendaja: Peeter Müürsepp ; Tallinna Tehnikaülikool, majandusteaduskond, rahvusvaheliste suhete instituut, Euroopa uuringute õppetool. – Tallinn : Tallinn Tehnikaülikool, 2016.
  • Wikman, Millariia. From Leftist to Populist Euroscepticism? A Case Study of Finland and Sweden : bakalaureusetöö / juhendaja: Antonius Johannes Hubertus Notermans ; Tallinna Tehnikaülikool, majandusteaduskond, rahvusvaheliste suhete instituut, Euroopa uuringute õppetool. – Tallinn : Tallinn Tehnikaülikool, 2015.

Scientific Articles

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Full texts are available for registered users of National Library of Estonia if logged into search portal. Some journals apply an annual access restriction to full electronic texts. To read full texts with restricted access write to us at elik@nlib.ee.

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  • Dutceac Segesten, A., and Bossetta, M. Can Euroscepticism Contribute to a European Public Sphere? The Europeanization of Media Discourses on Euroscepticism across Six Countries // JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies (2019) nr 5, lk. 1051– 1070.
    This study compares the media discourses on euroscepticism in 2014 in six countries (the UK, Ireland, France, Spain, Sweden and Denmark). We assessed the extent to which the mass media’s reporting of euroscepticism indicates the Europeanization of public spheres. Using a mixed‐methods approach combining latent Dirichlet allocation (LDA) topic modelling and qualitative coding, we find that approximately 70 per cent of print articles mentioning ‘euroscepticism’ or ‘eurosceptic’ are framed in a non‐domestic (i.e., European) context. In five of the six cases studied, articles exhibiting a European context are strikingly similar in content, with the British case as the exception. However, coverage of British euroscepticism drives Europeanization in other member states. Bivariate logistic regressions further reveal three macro‐level structural variables that significantly correlate with a Europeanized media discourse: the newspaper type (tabloid or broadsheet), the presence of a strong domestic eurosceptical party and relationship to the EU budget (net contributor or receiver of EU funds). [Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Ripoll Servent, Ariadna ; Panning, Lara. Eurosceptics in trilogue settings: interest formation and contestation in the European Parliament // West European Politics (2019) nr 4, lk. 755-775.
    Trilogues have been studied as sites of secluded inter-institutional decision making that gather the Council of the European Union, the European Parliament (EP) and the European Commission. Trilogues, however, are not exempt from formal and informal party-political dynamics that affect intra- and inter-institutional contestation. The increase in Eurosceptics in the 2014 EP elections offers an opportunity to investigate their efforts to shape the position and behaviour of the EP negotiating team in trilogues. Therefore, this article investigates to what extent Eurosceptic party groups participate in trilogue negotiations and how mainstream groups deal with their presence. The analysis shows that the opportunities to participate in trilogues and shape the EP’s position are higher for those perceived as soft Eurosceptic MEPs, while mainstream groups apply a ‘cordon sanitaire’ to those perceived as being part of hard Eurosceptic groups – which reduces the chances of MEPs from those groups being willing to participate in parliamentary work. (Paberkandjal; Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • van Bohemen, Samira ; de Koster, Willem ; van der Waal, Jeroen. Euroscepticism among Dutch Leftist and Rightist Populist Constituencies: How can the U‐Curve be Understood? // JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies (2019) nr 2, lk. 371-387.
    The U‐curve in euroscepticism is well established: both leftist and rightist populist constituencies are more eurosceptic than voters for establishment parties. Using rich survey data on a country with both constituencies represented in parliament (the Netherlands; n=1,296), we examine why euroscepticism drives populist voting. Our analyses demonstrate that euroscepticism is part of the well‐established link between both 1) distrust in politics and politicians, and 2) support for protectionism on the one hand, and voting for both types of populist party on the other. It is also part of the well‐known relationship between 3) ethnocentrism and rightist populist voting. Surprisingly, euroscepticism is not part of the typical association between economic egalitarianism and voting for a leftist populist party. The concluding section discusses the implications of our findings and provides suggestions for further research. [Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
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Comparative Political Studies. Special Issue: Studying Populism in Comparative Perspective (2018) nr 13. (Sage Journals Onlines)

  • Mudde, Cas ; Kaltwasser, Cristóbal Rovira. Studying Populism in Comparative Perspective: Reflections on the Contemporary and Future Research Agenda. – lk. 1667 – 1693.
    Academics are increasingly using the concept of populism to make sense of current events such as the Brexit referendum and the Trump presidency. This is certainly a welcome development, but two shortcomings can be observed in the contemporary debate. On one hand, new populism scholars often start from scratch and do not build upon the existing research. On the other hand, those who have been doing comparative research on populism stay in their comfort zone and thus do not try to link their work to other academic fields. In this article, we address these two shortcomings by discussing some of the advantages of the so-called ideational approach to the comparative study of populism and by pointing out four avenues of future research, which are closely related to some of the contributions of this special issue, namely, (a) economic anxiety, (b) cultural backlash, (c) the tension between responsiveness and responsibility, and (d) (negative) partisanship and polarization.
  • Gest, Justin ; Reny, Tyler ; Mayer, Jeremy. Roots of the Radical Right: Nostalgic Deprivation in the United States and Britain. – lk. 1694 – 1719.
    Following trends in Europe over the past decade, support for the Radical Right has recently grown more significant in the United States and the United Kingdom. While the United Kingdom has witnessed the rise of Radical Right fringe groups, the United States’ political spectrum has been altered by the Tea Party and the election of Donald Trump. This article asks what predicts White individuals’ support for such groups. In original, representative surveys of White individuals in Great Britain and the United States, we use an innovative technique to measure subjective social, political, and economic status that captures individuals’ perceptions of increasing or decreasing deprivation over time. We then analyze the impact of these deprivation measures on support for the Radical Right among Republicans (Conservatives), Democrats (Labourites), and Independents. We show that nostalgic deprivation among White respondents drives support for the Radical Right in the United Kingdom and the United States.
  • Rooduijn, Matthijs ; Burgoon, Brian. The Paradox of Well-being: Do Unfavorable Socioeconomic and Sociocultural Contexts Deepen or Dampen Radical Left and Right Voting Among the Less Well-Off?. – lk. 1720 – 1753.
    Radical left and right parties are increasingly successful—particularly among the less well-off. We assess the extent to which this negative effect of well-being on radical voting is moderated by contextual factors. Our study suggests that less well-off citizens vote for radical parties mainly under favorable aggregate-level circumstances. We distinguish two possible mechanisms underlying this effect—relative deprivation and risk aversion—and find support for relative deprivation only among radical right voters and for risk aversion for both types of radical voters, yet with predictable differences between the radical left and right supporter bases. Economic hardship leads to radical right voting when the socioeconomic circumstances are favorable and to radical left voting when net migration is modest. Our findings suggest a genuine paradox of radicalism: individual economic suffering might foster left and right radicalism, but mainly when that suffering takes place amid favorable conditions at the aggregate level.
  • Singer, Matthew. Delegating Away Democracy: How Good Representation and Policy Successes Can Undermine Democratic Legitimacy. – lk. 1754 – 1788.
    Theories of democratic legitimacy argue that people who believe the government is well managed and represents their interests are likely to defend the democratic status quo. Principal-agent theory predicts, however, that these same groups are also more likely to support executive actions that threaten vertical or horizontal accountability. Citizens who feel represented by an ideologically sympathetic and competent executive may be willing to delegate the president additional authority to enact their agenda, even at the expense of democratic principles. Survey data from Latin America are largely consistent with the principal-agent hypothesis; those who voted for the ruling party in the previous election or who perceive that the economy is strong say they not only like democracy and oppose coups but also support limits on critical actors and opposition parties and are willing to let the president bypass the legislature and court. Thus to understand the breakdown of democracy, we must not only examine the conditions that leave the losers of political and economic processes satisfied with the process that culminated in their defeat but also identify conditions when winners tolerate electoral and institutional challenges and are willing to protect space for public criticism.
  • Homola, Jonathan ; Tavits, Margit. Contact Reduces Immigration-Related Fears for Leftist but Not for Rightist Voters. – 1789 – 1820.
    How does contact with nonnatives affect immigration-related fears? While there is strong general support for the argument that intergroup contact decreases intergroup prejudice and fear, previous research arrives at mixed conclusions when applying this argument to the study of natives’ attitudes toward immigrants. We propose that people’s preexisting partisan affinities condition the effect of contact, which may explain the mixed findings. Building on the literature on motivated reasoning, we argue that contact reduces immigration-related threats among leftist voters, but have a threat-increasing or no effect among rightist voters. We find support for our argument using original surveys conducted in two very different contexts: the United States and Germany.

2018

  • Baute, Sharon ; Meuleman, Bart ; Abts, Koen. European integration as a threat to social security: Another source of Euroscepticism? // European Union Politics (2018) nr. 2, lk. 209–232.
    This study investigates whether citizens’ concerns about the EU’s impact on social security are a distinct source of Euroscepticism. By analysing data from the European Values Study 2008, we show that citizens differentiate between domain-specific fears about European integration (i.e. about social security, national sovereignty, culture, payments and jobs), meaning that they cannot be reduced completely to a general fear about European integration. Furthermore, socioeconomic determinants and ideological position are more important in explaining citizens’ fear about the EU’s impact on social security than in explaining their generalised fear of European integration. In countries with higher social spending, citizens are more fearful of European integration in general, however, social spending does not affect fears about social security more strongly than it affects other EU-related fears. (Sage Journals Onlines)
  • Beckstein, Martin ; Rampton, Vanessa. Conservatism between theory and practice: The case of migration to Europe // European Journal of Political Research (2018) nr 4, lk. 1084-1102.
    This article explores the neglected relationship between conservatism as political theory and conservatism as political practice using the example of recent immigration to Europe. A cursory glance at how European politicians have responded to migration challenges suggests that they roughly divide into an open‐arm, leftist ‘liberal’ camp and a right‐wing ‘conservative’ one. The situation, however, is more complex. This article engages with the resources of conservative theory to argue that there are many distinct conservative theoretical positions for any one policy point. Using contemporary migration patterns as a case study, the findings suggest that Conservative parties have not borrowed much from conservative theory in its variety of incarnations. In fact, conservative theory can buttress a course of action that is generous toward migrants and at odds with the claims of right‐wing populist movements. While certain strands of conservatism imagine a homogenous people, there are others that are no less pro‐pluralism than liberal theories, and sometimes more so. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Cavallaro, Matteo ; Flacher, David ; Zanetti, Massimo Angelo. Radical right parties and European economic integration: Evidence from the seventh European Parliament // European Union Politics (2018) nr. 2, lk. 321–343.
    This article explores the differences in radical right parties’ voting behaviour on economic matters at the European Parliament. As the literature highlights the heterogeneity of these parties in relation to their economic programmes, we test whether divergences survive the elections and translate into dissimilar voting patterns. Using voting records from the seventh term of the European Parliament, we show that radical right parties do not act as a consolidated party family. We then analyse the differences between radical right parties by the means of different statistical methods (NOMINATE, Ward’s clustering criterion, and additive trees) and find that these are described along two dimensions: the degree of opposition to the European Union and the classical left–right economic cleavage. We provide a classification of these parties compromising four groups: pro-welfare conditional, pro-market conditional, and rejecting. Our results indicate that radical right parties do not act as a party family at the European Parliament. This remains true regardless of the salience of the policy issues in their agendas. The article also derives streams for future research on the heterogeneity of radical right parties. (Sage Journals Online)
  • Harteveld, Eelco ; Steenvoorden, Eefje. The appeal of nostalgia: the influence of societal pessimism on support for populist radical right parties // West European Politics (2018) nr 1, lk. 28-52.
    In the literature, explanations of support for populist radical right (PRR) parties usually focus on voters’ socio-structural grievances, political discontent or policy positions. This article suggests an additional and possibly overarching explanation: societal pessimism. The central argument is that the nostalgic character of PRR ideology resonates with societal pessimism among its voters. Using European Social Survey data from 2012, the study compares levels of societal pessimism among PRR, radical left, mainstream left and mainstream right (MR) voters in eight European countries. The results show that societal pessimism is distributed in a tilted U-curve, with the highest levels indeed observed among PRR voters, followed by radical left voters. Societal pessimism increases the chance of a PRR vote (compared to a MR vote) controlling for a range of established factors. Further analyses show that societal pessimism is the only attitude on which MR and PRR voters take opposite, extreme positions. Finally, there is tentative evidence that societal pessimism is channelled through various more specific ideological positions taken by PRR voters, such as opposition to immigration. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Hoekman, Bernard ; Nelson, Douglas R. Reflecting on populism and the economics of globalization // Journal of International Business Policy (2018) aprill, lk.1-10.
    In this commentary, we take up two key elements of Dani Rodrik’s analysis of the economic underpinnings of populist politics. We focus on the links between globalization (especially trade integration) and populism and the role of global institutions (notably trade agreements) in both generating the economic pressures to which populist politicians are responding and in constraining the ability of governments to deal with adverse distributional effects of these pressures. We argue that it is important to distinguish between trade shocks and trade agreements; that the role of both is given too much weight relative to the effects of financialization and international capital flows, migration, and technological change; and that deepening international cooperation (global governance) can – and should – be part of the supply response to populism.
  • Jankowski, Michael ; Marcinkiewicz, Kamil. Are populist parties fostering women’s political representation in Poland? A comment on Kostadinova and Mikulska // Party politics (2018) nr. 2, lk. 185 – 196.
    In a recent contribution to Party Politics, Kostadinova and Mikulska analyze women’s political representation by populist parties in Poland and Bulgaria. The presented findings for Poland suggest that the main right-wing populist party PiS (1) elected more women to parliament, (2) nominated more women to promising ballot positions, and (3) that voters of PiS were more likely to support women in the elections compared to leftists parties. We disagree with all three findings. While the first finding is due to an error in the descriptive statistics, we argue that the other two findings are the result of an inappropriate research design. We replicate the analysis based on an altered research design and show that PiS did not elect more women to parliament, did not nominate more women to promising ballot positions and that voters of PiS were not more likely to vote for female candidates. (Sage Journals Onlines)
  • Loth, Wilfried. The Future of the European Union // Journal of European Integration History (2018) nr 2 lk. 269 – 278.
    The present crisis of the EU must be seen as part of a general crisis of parliamentary democracy. It is a crisis resulting from an extraordinary increase in change of societies, economic conditions and cultural contexts in an age of enforced globalization. Nevertheless, the chances are good that the exit of the Brits will not be the beginning of an overall disintegration of the Union. Instead, European society will become even more articulate. The current extent of the economic and financial links in the Union as well as the realities of globalization are permitting of no plausible alternative to the further development of the Community, at least no alternative with a lower cost. The decision of the British voters submitted the visions of the anti-Europeans on a test on the road, and this on-road test turned out negatively. Furthermore, the victory of Donald Trump at the US presidential elections and his ostentatious disregard for the values of the Western community let many Europeans feel that democratic order and open society were in danger and that they must be defended if they should subsist. Obviously, the Europeans – at least a clear majority of them – have in a moment of endangerment of the EU realized how high the stakes are. This brought them to appreciate the value of a common Europe once again and to engage themselves to defend this Union. (Nomos eLibrary)
  • McDonnell, Duncan ; Werner, Annika. Respectable radicals: why some radical right parties in the European Parliament forsake policy congruence // Journal of European Public Policy (2018) nr 5, lk. 747-763.
    Policy congruence has been identified as the main driver of European Parliament (EP) alliances. Yet, radical right parties are divided between three EP groups: European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR); Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD); Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF). This article investigates why four radical right parties in the ECR and EFDD – the Danish People’s Party, the Finns Party, the Sweden Democrats and UKIP – neither joined the apparently more ideologically homogenous ENF nor allied all with one another in 2014. Using Chapel Hill data, we find no policy logic explaining their alliance behaviour. Rather, our interviews with those in the parties indicate that they privileged national ‘respectability’ calculations when deciding alliance strategies. We therefore propose an alternative theory of EP group formation that sees some radical parties play a two-level game in which the perceived domestic ‘office’ and ‘votes’ benefits of European alliances outweigh those of ‘policy’.
    (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Oesch, Daniel ; Rennwald, Line. Electoral competition in Europe’s new tripolar political space: Class voting for the left, centre‐right and radical right // European Journal of Political Research (2018) nr 4, lk. 783-807.
    The rise of the radical right fundamentally changes the face of electoral competition in Western Europe. Bipolar competition is becoming tripolar, as the two dominant party poles of the twentieth century – the left and the centre‐right – are challenged by a third pole of the radical right. Between 2000 and 2015, the radical right has secured more than 12 per cent of the vote in over ten Western European countries. This article shows how electoral competition between the three party poles plays out at the micro level of social classes. It presents a model of class voting that distinguishes between classes that are a party’s preserve, classes that are contested strongholds of two parties and classes over which there is an open competition. Using seven rounds of the European Social Survey, it shows that sociocultural professionals form the party preserve of the left, and large employers and managers the preserve of the centre‐right. However, the radical right competes with the centre‐right for the votes of small business owners, and it challenges the left over its working‐class stronghold. These two contested strongholds attest to the co‐existence of old and new patterns of class voting. Old patterns are structured by an economic conflict: Production workers vote for the left and small business owners for the centre‐right based on their economic attitudes. In contrast, new patterns are linked to the rise of the radical right and structured by a cultural conflict. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
  • O´Neill, Michael. Challenges to the Western Liberal Order: The End of ‘the West’? // Journal of European Integration History (2018) nr 2, lk. 293 – 316.
    The liberal order that prevailed in the West after the end of the Second World War has recently been challenged from within as much as by external forces. The liberal internationalism and liberal democratic politics that defined the idea of ‘The West’ is now threatened on several fronts: by insurgent politics, not least the Brexit vote in the United Kingdom; by economic and ideological challenges to its role as the singular paradigm of globalization; and most recently by unilateralism from the present incumbent of the White House. Turbulent politics raises serious questions about the capacity of the Western liberal order to survive. Some commentators assert that to claim this is ‘crisis’ is exaggeration. Yet there is a case to answer. (Nomos eLibrary)
  • Rodrik, Dani. Populism and the economics of globalization // Journal of International Business Policy (2018)  veebruar, lk. 1-22.
    Populism may seem like it has come out of nowhere, but it has been on the rise for a while. I argue that economic history and economic theory both provide ample grounds for anticipating that advanced stages of economic globalization would produce a political backlash. While the backlash may have been predictable, the specific form it took was less so. I distinguish between left-wing and right-wing variants of populism, which differ with respect to the societal cleavages that populist politicians highlight. The first has been predominant in Latin America, and the second in Europe. I argue that these different reactions are related to the relative salience of different types of globalization shocks.
  • Schmidt, Franzisca. Drivers of Populism: A Four-country Comparison of Party Communication in the Run-up to the 2014 European Parliament Elections // Political Studies (2018) nr. 2.
    The aim of this article is to analyse what different types of populist communication styles emerged during the 2014 European Parliament election campaign and under which conditions political parties selected specific populist communication styles. To do this, a comparative quantitative content analysis of press releases in the run-up of the latest European Parliament elections has been conducted for parties in France, Germany, Austria and Greece. The article presents a definition of populism based on the contemporary academic discourse, which focuses on the transnational nature of the European political field. It is shown that populist party communication is more pronounced on the fringes of the political spectrum and in countries struggling with severe macroeconomic difficulties. Contrary to intuitive expectations, the perceived populist rhetoric of exclusivity in the context of the European sovereign debt crisis, which is identified as a central feature of right-wing populism, barely takes place within populist party communication. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO) ; Sage Journals]
  • Stockemer, Daniel. French activists to the (radical) right and the (radical) left: are they different or similar? // European Societies (2018) nr 2, lk. 183-206.
    This research aims at detecting commonalities and differences between right-wing and left-wing activists. Based on 44 interviews with members of the French National Front (FN) and 88 Attac activists, I find that Attac activists are individuals with high amounts of civic skills that have been politically socialised until the age of 25. Somewhat different, my interview research indicates that the socialisation mechanisms of FN members, as well as their social and educational backgrounds are diverse. Pertaining to the activists’ values, the two groups expose values at the opposite end of the political spectrum. Whereas left-wing activists respond to globalisation and neo-liberalism by highlighting national and international solidarity and participatory democracy, the radical right-wing members respond to the same phenomena by propagating nationalism, authoritarianism and protectionist policies. Finally, I find that left-wing activists are driven by instrumental and ideological considerations, whereas right-wing activists are motivated by ideology as well as identity processes. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Van Hauwaert, Steven M. ; Van Kessel, Stijn. Beyond protest and discontent: A cross-national analysis of the effect of populist attitudes and issue positions on populist party support // European Journal of Political Research (2018) nr 1, lk. 68–92.
    Studies on populist parties – or ‘supply-side populism’ more generally – are numerous. Nevertheless, the connection with demand-side dynamics, and particularly the populist characteristics or tendencies of the electorate, requires more scholarly attention. This article examines in more detail the conditions underlying the support for populist parties, and in particular the role of populist attitudes amongst citizens. It asks two core questions: (1) are populist party supporters characterised by stronger populist attitudes than other party supporters, and (2) to what extent do populist (and other) attitudes contribute to their party preference? The analysis uses fixed effect models and relies on a cross-sectional research design that uses unique survey data from 2015 and includes nine European countries. The results are threefold. First, in line with single-country studies, populist attitudes are prominent among supporters of left- and right-wing populist parties in particular. Second, populist attitudes are important predictors of populist party support in addition to left-wing socioeconomic issue positions for left-wing populist parties, and authoritarian and anti-immigration issue positions for right-wing populist parties. Third, populist attitudes moderate the effect of issue positions on the support for populist parties, particularly for individuals whose positions are further removed from the extreme ends of the economic or cultural policy scale. These findings suggest that strong populist attitudes may encourage some voters to support a populist party whose issue positions are incongruous with their own policy-related preferences. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
  • van der Waal, Jeroen ; de Koster, Willem. Populism and Support for Protectionism: The Relevance of Opposition to Trade Openness for Leftist and Rightist Populist Voting in The Netherlands // Political Studies (2018) nr 3, lk. 560-576.
    Leftist and rightist populist parties in Western Europe both oppose trade openness. Is support for economic protectionism also relevant for their electorates? We assess this in the Netherlands, where both types of populist parties have seats in parliament. Analyses of representative survey data (n = 1,296) demonstrate that support for protectionism drives voting for such parties, as do the well-established determinants of political distrust (both populist constituencies), economic egalitarianism (leftist populist constituency) and ethnocentrism (rightist populist constituency). Surprisingly, support for protectionism does not mediate the relationship between economic egalitarianism and voting for left-wing populists, or the link between political distrust and voting for either left-wing or right-wing populist parties. In contrast, support for protectionism partly mediates the association between ethnocentrism and voting for right-wing populists. We discuss the largely independent role of protectionism in populist voting in relation to the cultural cleavage in politics and electoral competition, and also provide suggestions for future research. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
akkordionipikktekst
  • Adam, Silke ; Antl-Wittenberg, Eva-Maria (et al.). Strategies of pro-European parties in the face of a Eurosceptic challenge // European Union Politics (2017) nr. 2, lk. 260 – 282.
    We ask how pro-European parties communicate in the face of a Eurosceptic challenge and how this affects the politicization of European Union integration within a country. We draw on a quantitative content analysis of parties’ press releases issued in the run-up to the 2014 European Parliament elections in seven countries. Our results show that pro-European parties as such put Europe on the agenda, debate issues similar to those voiced by Eurosceptics and defend their pro-European positions: yet, they do so to varying degrees and with major exceptions. It is pro-European catch-all parties with strong internal dissent that silence Europe and choose blurring or adoption strategies. Consequently, the politicization of European integration varies among countries, thereby high topic visibility is accompanied by low levels of party conflict. (Sage Journals Onlines)
  • Allen, Trevor J. All in the party family? Comparing far right voters in Western and Post-Communist Europe // Party Politics (2017) nr. 3, lk. 274-285.
    Scholarship on far right parties in Post-Communist Europe has borrowed findings and analytical frameworks from studies on the Western European far right. Similarly, studies on Western European far right parties have increasingly referenced instances of far right success in post-communist states. These parties are similar in their Euroskepticism and exclusionary populism. However, little work has compared voters for the far right between regions. Different political opportunity structures have consequences for far right voter profiles in four important respects. First, the linkage between anti-immigrant attitudes and far right support is stronger in Western Europe. Second, far right voters in Western Europe are less religious than their post-communist counter-parts. Third, post-communist far right voters are economic leftists, whereas rightist attitudes toward income redistribution slightly predict a far right vote in Western Europe. Finally, far right voters in Western Europe are more satisfied with democracy as a regime type. (Sage Journals Onlines)
  • Baldini, Gianfranco. Populism in Europe: everywhere and nowhere? // European Political Science (2017) nr. 2, lk. 258–262.
    [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO), ProQuest Research Library]
  • Džankić, Jelena. State-sponsored Populism and the Rise of Populist Governance: The Case of Montenegro // Journal of Balkan & Near Eastern Studies (2017) nr. 4, lk. 403-418.
    Ever since it became independent in 2006, Montenegro has steadily progressed in its ambition to accede to the European Union. Even so, a new form of populism, dominated by neither a far-right nor a far-left discourse, but controlled by leading political elites in the country’s government has developed in Montenegro.  This form of populism is not a mechanism of ensuring the dominance of the Democratic Party of Socialists (Demokratska Partija Socijalista Crne Gore, DPS) in Montenegro per se. Instead it is used as a tool to support and enhance other mechanisms that the party utilizes in order to stay in power and remain the dominant force in the country.  Hence, we can observe the growth of a new kind of populism, a state-sponsored populist discourse that is very different from populism as understood in Western Europe. What we find in Montenegro is a government that uses populist language and messages to support a clientelistic state system.  [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Freeden, Michael. After the Brexit referendum: revisiting populism as an ideology // Journal of Political Ideologies (2017) nr. 1, lk. 1-11.
    The author reflects on the British Referendum on membership of the European Union and the refugees in Europe in 2016. He states that the criticism of refugees and migrants in Great Britain. An overview of the Brexit 2016, liberalism, economic development, Parliamentary approval and populism is also given. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO), ProQuest Research Library]
  • Leruth, Benjamin ; Startin, Nicholas. Between Euro-Federalism, Euro-Pragmatism and Euro-Populism: the Gaullist movement divided over Europe // Modern & Contemporary France (2017) nr.  2, lk. 153-169.
    Since the creation of the European Community, the Gaullist movement has never been united over the question of European integration. De Gaulle’s intergovernmental vision of the European project has largely been the dominant discourse. At times however, this narrative has been questioned—on the one hand by more supranational notions of European integration; and on the other by a more pro-sovereignty Eurosceptic discourse. Subsequently, in its various modern-day guises the Gaullist movement has faced a series of major internal divisions with regard to its position on ‘Europe’. This uncertainty has also manifested itself at the highest level as demonstrated by the changing discourse advocated by former French presidents Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy. This paper analyses the internal tensions over the European issue within the Gaullist movement at elite level. It determines that despite Chirac’s and Sarkozy’s attempts to unite the party throughout their presidencies the Gaullist movement is far from having moved towards a united European stance. Accordingly, the authors identify that over the past three decades, it is possible to identify three distinct, and at times conflicting, Gaullist stances on European integration with which the party’s elites have vacillated, namely Euro-Federalism, Euro-Pragmatism and Euro-Populism. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Miller, Bowman H. Tomorrow’s Europe: a never closer union // Journal of European Integration (2017) nr. 4, lk. 421-433.
    Europe is beset with multiple, intersecting challenges and crises, among them unwelcome inward migration, suffocating indebtedness in the southern tier, rising populist nationalism evident from Britain and France to Hungary and Poland, and residue from the 2008 economic/euro crisis, to name the more prominent ones.
    Less noticed or commented is the European Union’s need to readdress its foundational rationale and to adapt it to contemporary reality. Its original stated aim to share sovereignty and pursue supra-national integration in an effort to prevent renewed intra-European warfare is no longer relevant, and today’s electorates demand both more say and new justification behind elites’ calls for continuing integration to shore up the EU’s edifice and ensure its institutional future. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Pirro, Andrea L. P. ; van Kessel, Stijn. United in opposition? The populist radical right’s EU-pessimism in times of crisis // Journal of European Integration (2017) nr. 4, lk. 405-420.
    Populist radical right (PRR) parties are typically critical of European integration. They deem the EU an elitist project and consider European integration a threat to national sovereignty. In practice, however, PRR parties’ positions on the EU have varied across countries and periods. Our article assesses whether, and how, PRR parties have changed their ‘EU-pessimist’ discourse following the outbreak of the Global Financial Crisis. The crisis has ostensibly provided scope for PRR parties across Europe to bolster their EU-pessimism and place more emphasis on socioeconomic frames. We analyse the evolution of the PRR’s discourse in five countries. The article shows that, although PRR parties have generally brought the crisis into their discourses, they have responded to it in different ways, displaying varying degrees of EU-pessimism. These responses were partly informed by the opportunities provided by their contexts, but ostensibly more so by the strategic considerations of PRR party leaderships. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Rashkova, Ekaterina R. ; Zankina, Emilia. Are (populist) radical right parties Männerparteien? Evidence from Bulgaria // West European Politics (2017) nr. 4, lk. 848-868.
    This paper focuses on the representation of women in radical right parties and examines the often assumed relationship between the radical right and gender, namely that radical right parties are overwhelmingly ran, supported by, and representing the male part of the population. Using data from elections, party platforms, and parliamentary committees the paper asks ‘Are PRR parties Männerparteien?’ Using data from Bulgaria, we suggest that the Männerparteien argument is too simplistic and argue that in order to make a claim about representation, one needs to study both female and male MPs and across all party families. We find that while radical right parties are still primarily composed of men, an examination of the substantive representation of women’s issues, puts this relationship into question. Furthermore, we show that while men outnumber women in all political parties, both radical right women and men have been more active in women’s issues than their gender counterparts from other political parties. These findings suggest two things: one, we cannot study gender equality matters without comparing the activity of both men and women; and two, the classification of radical right parties as Männerparteien based on descriptive representation only, is too simplistic and to an extent, misleading.  (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Rooduijn, Matthijs ; Burgoon, Brian ; van Elsas, Erika J. Radical distinction: Support for radical left and radical right parties in Europe // European Union Politics (2017) nr 4, lk. 536-559.
    Support for radical parties on both the left and right is on the rise, fueling intuition that both radicalisms have similar underpinnings. Indeed, existing studies show that radical left and right voters have overlapping positions and preferences. In this article, however, we focus on the differences in the voting bases of such parties. We show that radical left and right voters have sharply diverging ideological profiles. When it comes to the historical traditions of the ‘left’ and ‘right’, these voters differ radically from each other. Both groups express the traditions associated with their mainstream counterparts—particularly with respect to (non-)egalitarian, (non-)altruistic, and (anti-)cosmopolitan values. Such differences also explain why radical left voters tend to be more, not less, educated than mainstream or radical right voters. (Sage Journals Onlines)
  • Вайнштейн Г. И. Современный популизм как объект политологического анализа // ПОЛИС. Политические исследования (2017) nr. 4, lk. 69-89.
    С усилением в современном мире тенденций популистской политики изучение сущности современного популизма приобретает возрастающее научное значение. В статье рассматриваются основные направления политологического осмысления феномена глобального подъема популизма. Отмечаются методологические трудности концептуализации понятия популизм, осложняющие анализ многообразных манифестаций этого явления и оценку количественных параметров и качественных характеристик популистских сил в Европе. В то же время описываются некоторые особенности происходящих в последнее время изменений типологической структуры популизма. Излагая понимание политологами движущих сил расширения массовой базы популизма, автор подчеркивает доминирование в академической литературе мнений об усилении роли факторов этнокультурного характера. Особое внимание уделяется трактовке современной политологией отношений между популизмом и демократией. В заключении характеризуются основные тенденции связанных с популизмом трансформаций западного партийно-политического ландшафта. (Paberväljaanne)
  • Глухова А. В. Популизм как политический феномен: вызов современной демократии // ПОЛИС. Политические исследования (2017) nr. 4, lk. 49-68.
    Автор проводит политический анализ феномена современного популизма, его природы и разновидностей, исследует органическую взаимосвязь популизма с новыми условиями существования политики, продиктованными эпохой постмодерна и спецификой “постдемократии” (К. Крауч). В статье выявляются исторические корни современного популизма и порождающие его структурные факторы (среди которых кризис общественного плюрализма и распад среднего класса). Уделяется внимание таким важнейшим компонентам популистских движений, как органическая поляризующая идеология, противопоставляющая большинство меньшинству и ведущая к критике представительных институтов, и яркий лидер, способный превратить народное недовольство и протесты в стратегию мобилизации масс ради завоевания власти. (Paberväljaanne)
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  • Baier, Walter. Europe on the Precipice: The Crisis of the Neoliberal Order and the Ascent of Right-Wing Populism // New Labor Forum (2016) nr. 3, lk. 48-55.
    The article discusses the crisis of neoliberal order and the growing right-wing populism in Europe. Topics discussed include distinction between right-wing extremism and right-wing radicalism, the question of whether right-wing racicalism facism can be modernized, and the struggle against right-wing extremism and neo-Nazism. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO), Business Source Complete (EBSCO), ProQuest Research Library]
  • Bakker, Bert N. ; Rooduijn, Matthijs ; Schumacher, Gijs. The psychological roots of populist voting: Evidence from the United States, the Netherlands and Germany // European Journal of Political Research (2016) nr. 2, lk. 302–320.
    What are the psychological roots of support for populist parties or outfits such as the Tea Party, the Dutch Party for Freedom or Germany’s Left Party? Populist parties have as a common denominator that they employ an anti-establishment message, which they combine with some ‘host’ ideology. Building on the congruency model of political preference, it is to be expected that a voter’s personality should match with the message and position of his or her party. This article theorises that a low score on the personality trait Agreeableness matches the anti-establishment message and should predict voting for populist parties. Evidence is found for this hypothesis in the United States, the Netherlands and Germany. The relationship between low Agreeableness and voting for populist parties is robust, controlling for other personality traits, authoritarianism, sociodemographic characteristics and ideology. Thus, explanations of the success of populism should take personality traits into account.  [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Immerzeel, Tim ; Lubbers, Marcel ; Coffé, Hilde. Competing with the radical right // Party Politics (2016) nr. 6, lk. 823-834.
    The popularity of European Radical Right Populist parties (RRPs) has led to investigations into the distances between RRPs’ and other parties’ stances regarding immigration. This article adds to this literature by investigating the distance between RRPs and the other parties on a wider variety of typical RRP policy and style issues. Based on an Expert Survey organized in 2010, we consider ideological (immigration, nationalism, law and order) and style (anti-establishment, populism) dimensions. Furthermore, we examine to what extent characteristics of other parties and RRPs (ideological position, electoral success, being in office) are associated with these distances. Our results show that right-wing (neo-)conservative and Christian-democratic parties are closest, while green and socialist parties are furthest to RRPs regarding ideological dimensions. The opposite is found for the style dimensions. Additionally, we show that the other parties’ characteristics, rather than those of RRPs, are associated with ideological and style distances between RRPs and other parties. (Sage Journals Onlines)
  • van Kessel, Stijn ;  Castelein, Remco. Shifting the blame. Populist politicians’ use of Twitter as a tool of opposition // Journal of Contemporary European Research (2016) nr. 2.
    The advent of new social media has facilitated new means of political communication, through which politicians can address the electorate in an unmediated way. This article concentrates on political actors challenging the establishment, for whom new media platforms such as Twitter provide new tools to engage in a ‘permanent campaign’ against dominant mainstream parties. Such opposition is ostensibly articulated most strongly by populist parties, which can be seen as the ultimate challengers to the (political) ‘elites’. By means of two often-identified cases of populism in the Netherlands (the radical right Freedom Party and left-wing Socialist Party), this study explores how populist party leaders use Twitter messages (tweets) to give form to their adversarial rhetoric in practice. Irrespective of the different ways in which the politicians utilised the medium, our study shows that Twitter can serve as a valuable source to study the oppositional discourse of populist parties, and (shifting) party strategies more generally.  (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals)
  • Schumacher, Gijs ; van Kersbergen, Kees. Do mainstream parties adapt to the welfare chauvinism of populist parties? // Party Politics (2016) nr. 3, lk. 300-312.
    Populist parties increasingly take a welfare chauvinistic position. They criticize mainstream parties for cutting and slashing welfare at the expense of the ‘native’ population and to the benefit of the ‘undeserving’ immigrant. Given the electoral success of populist parties, we investigate whether and when mainstream parties ignore, attack or accommodate welfare chauvinism. Using key theories of party behaviour, we test whether mainstream parties (1) respond immediately to populist parties, (2) respond with a time lag, or (3) respond only when they lose elections or are in opposition. Our quantitative analyses of party manifestos, speeches and policies of European mainstream and populist parties (1980–2012) show that mainstream parties adapt to populist parties on welfare chauvinism, but which parties adapt and when varies significantly. In our in-depth examinations of the Dutch and Danish cases, we highlight important cross-country and cross-party differences. (Sage Journals Onlines)
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2015

  • Kehrberg, Jason E. The demand side of support for radical right parties // Comparative European Politics (2015) nr.5, lk. 553–576.
    This study examines the link between individual attitudes and voting for radical right parties in 16 European countries, using the European Social Survey (ESS). This study includes, in a single model, several different components of the radical right political platform in order to test which components are more strongly found among radical right voters. Using the initial assumption that the anti-immigrant message of radical right parties should be attractive to individuals with similar predispositions, I use the ESS to find evidence that radical right voters are attracted to these parties because of the political message of immigration attitudes and anti-democratic attitudes. Further, depending on the context, social conservatism is associated with radical right support. In sum, radical right support is based on multiple factors with immigration attitudes as the primary consideration, with populism and social conservatism playing a minor but significant role.  (ProQuest Research Library)

2014

  • Corduwener, Pepijn. The Populist Conception of Democracy beyond Popular Sovereignty // Journal of Contemporary European Research (2014) nr. 4.
    With populist parties making electoral progress across the European continent, the question of what their electoral success means for contemporary democratic systems has gained increasing significance. This article investigates how two populist radical right parties, the Austrian FPÖ and the Dutch PVV, conceptualise democracy, based on a wide range of party documents released over recent decades. It builds upon recent academic consensus that the relationship between populism and democracy is best understood from a ‘minimalist’ perspective, seeing populism not as antagonistic to democracy, but as an ideology that conceptualises democracy primarily in terms of popular sovereignty. The article adds to the existing literature by demonstrating that we can extend this understanding of the populist conception of democracy in three aspects: the populist emphasis on state neutrality; a two-fold notion of equality; and the extension of the political sphere in society. Based upon these three issues, the article concludes by exploring how the populist conception of democracy relates to the most dominant form of democracy practised nowadays, liberal democracy, and to what extent it reflects changes in our democratic political culture.  (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals)
  • Kriesi, Hanspeter. The Populist Challenge // West European Politics (2014) nr. 2, lk. 361-378.
    Populism has been on the rise for some time in Europe now, and its rise has been one of the key concerns of Peter Mair. He has linked it to the increasing erosion of the representative function of European party systems. The spectre that haunted him was ‘partyless democracy’, a democratic regime where parties had lost their representative function, which opened the door for unmediated populist protest. While largely sharing his interpretation of the overall structural trends giving rise to the populist challenges in Western Europe, the article is critical of the static character of his assessment. It suggests that there are three forms of ‘protest populism’, all of which may eventually end up transforming the West European party systems in the name of the new structuring conflicts that characterise contemporary European societies. In addition, it proposes to extend the scope of Peter’s argument to the less established democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • van Ostaijen, Mark ; Scholten, Peter. Policy populism? Political populism and migrant integration policies in Rotterdam and Amsterdam // Comparative European Politics (2014) nr 6, lk. 680–699.
    The political presence of populist parties has increased in Western Europe since the early 1980s. But populism cannot be limited to a political phenomenon only. However, in scholarly research the political aspects of populism take precedence over the policy aspects. The focus of this article is to what extent policy populism exists and if there is a relation between political populism on policy populism in the area of migrant integration policies. A combination of a qualitative discourse analysis and a quantitative content analysis is used for the analysis of both political and policy documents in two Dutch local case studies, the cities of Rotterdam and Amsterdam. By focussing on populism as relational concept and as discursive ordering, we show that the presence of policy populism is not dependent on political populism. Rather, there seem to be some elective affinities. Next to this, this article shows shifting discourses towards more inclusive-civic ingroups and exclusive-ethnic outgroups. This study shows the gradual sifts, presences and potentials of populist discourse in local politics and especially policies and the emergence of ethnic specificity in regard to these distancing discourses.  (ProQuest Research Library)
  • Rooduijn, Matthijs ; de Lange, Sarah L ; van der Brug, Wouter. A populist Zeitgeist? Programmatic contagion by populist parties in Western Europe // Party Politics (2014) nr. 4, lk. 563-575. 13p.
    In this article, we examine the programmatic reactions to the rise of populist parties. It has been argued that populism is not necessarily the prerogative of populist parties; it has been adopted by mainstream parties as well. The article investigates whether populism is contagious. On the basis of the results of a content analysis of election manifestos of parties in five Western European countries (France, Germany, Italy, The Netherlands and the United Kingdom), we conclude that the programmes of mainstream parties have not become more populist in recent years. We find no evidence that mainstream parties change their programmes when confronted with electoral losses or successful populist challengers. Yet, we do find that populist parties change their own programmes when they have been successful: Their initial success makes them tone down their populism. (Sage Journals Onlines)
  • Stavrakakis, Yannis ; Katsambekis, Giorgos. Left-wing populism in the European periphery: the case of SYRIZA // Journal of Political Ideologies (2014) nr.  2, lk. 119-142.
    Due to its electoral performance in the 2012 general elections, SYRIZA, a previously unknown Greek political formation of the radical left, gained unprecedented visibility within the European public sphere. How is this strong showing and the political message articulated by SYRIZA to be interpreted? Utilizing a discursive methodology, this paper puts to the test the two assumptions predominating in most available analyses, namely that SYRIZA articulates a populist rhetoric, that it constitutes a predominantly populist force; and, given the near-exclusive association of populism with extreme right-wing movements, that SYRIZA constitutes a populist danger for Europe. Our analysis concludes that SYRIZA’s discourse is indeed a distinct articulation of left-wing populism. However, this by no means vindicates the second part of the prevailing wisdom: SYRIZA’s portrayal as a dangerous force threatening fundamental European values. If, however, this is the case, then mainstream research orientations in the study of European populism may have to be reviewed. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO), ProQuest Research Library]
  • Vasilopoulou, Sofia (et al.). Greece in Crisis: Austerity, Populism and the Politics of Blame // Journal of Common Market Studies (2014) nr. 2, lk. 388-402.
    Within the broader debate on the Greek crisis, the theory of ‘populist democracy’ postulates that populism is fundamental to the sustenance of the Greek political system and is at the heart of Greece’s endemic domestic weaknesses. This article tests this assumption empirically through the use of a sophisticated framing analysis of speeches delivered by the leaders of the five parties in the Greek parliament in the period 2009–11. The findings confirm that populism: (a) is expressed through the narratives of political actors; (b) is observed across the party system; (c) is expressed in the forms of blame-shifting and exclusivity; and (d) differs depending on position in the party system. The article contributes to the debate by testing and building on the theory of democratic populism, providing a novel way of measuring and operationalizing populism and identifying a new typology that distinguishes between mainstream and fringe populism. [Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]

2013

  • Gómez-Reino, Margarita. The Populist Radical Right and European Integration: A Comparative Analysis of Party–Voter Links // West European Politics (2013) nr. 4, lk. 789-816.
    This article analyses the links between populist radical right parties and their voters regarding European integration in 11 European countries. It does so by using data from the 2008 European Social Survey and the 2006 UNC-Chapel Hill Expert Data Base on political parties and European integration. In addition to mapping the Eurosceptic orientations of political parties and their voters, the article examines the degree to which attitudes towards the EU and voting for populist radical parties are connected to each other. The results lend support to the hypothesis that most populist radical right parties have managed to establish links with their voters regarding European integration. The analysis also shows that links between populist radical right parties and their voters tend to be stronger for those parties that adopt more extreme negative positions towards European integration. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)

2010

  • Dechezelles, Stephanie. Introduction: Is Populism a Side-Effect of European Integration? Radical Parties and the Europeanization of Political Competition // Perspectives on European Politics & Society (2010) nr. 3, lk. 229-236.
    Political radicalism has generated a large scholarly interest in recent years, both in Western and in Central Europe. Two series of explanations have been used to account for the success of radical parties in the scientific literature. The first one studies populism or radical politics through an analysis of electoral behaviour and/or radical groups’ strategies at the national level of government. The second perspective deals with the European dimension of radical politics and researches critical attitudes regarding European integration under the generic term Euroscepticism. These two approaches to political radicalism have developed simultaneously but in an isolated way from each one other. The case studies presented in this volume aim at bridging this gap by focusing on the links between the Europeanization of political competition on the one hand, and the rise of radical parties on the other hand, in selected member states of the enlarged European Union.
    [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Harmsen, Robert. Concluding Comment: On Understanding the Relationship between Populism and Euroscepticism // Perspectives on European Politics & Society (2010) nr. 3, lk. 333-341.
    The article discusses the relationship between populism in Europe, criticism of the European Union, and opposition to European integration (also known as Euroscepticism). The competition between opposing political parties in Europe is reviewed. The author questions whether the emergence of a political arena at the European level has created opportunities for the development of populist forms of politics. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Reungoat, Emmanuelle. Anti-EU Parties and the People: An Analysis of Populism in French Euromanifestos // Perspectives on European Politics & Society (2010) nr.  3, lk. 292-312.
    The aim of this paper is to test the hypothesis that the opening of a European political space and the Europeanization of parties create a favourable arena for populist speech, themes and perhaps ideology, especially in the case of anti-EU parties. To do this, a quantitative study of populist speeches in French pro- and anti-EU party Euromanifestos has been conducted for the 1999 and 2004 European elections. It contributes to the scientific debate regarding the possible rise of a new political cleavage resulting from the European issue. Our comparative content analysis based on a coding system of populist discourse shows that there are no systematic links between the position of French parties towards the EU and their use of populist arguments, but a variety of relations, linked to the position of the parties within the party system as well as to the right/left cleavage. European issues are integrated in the ideologies and identities of the parties and only produce moderate effects on populist speeches. Therefore, party practices and speeches are stable. In some cases, what is evidenced is not a rise or a transformation of populist discourse, but national discourse patterns adapted to a European context and a phenomenon of Europeanization of certain populist themes. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Startin, Nicholas. Where to for the Radical Right in the European Parliament? The Rise and Fall of Transnational Political Cooperation // Perspectives on European Politics & Society (2010) nr. 4, lk. 429-449.
    Amidst all the academic and media discussion in recent years of the causes and consequences of the rise in support for Radical Right parties (RRPs) in Europe, a related, but equally significant development, has generated less debate; namely the rise and fall in the European Parliament in 2007 of the trans-national Radical Right political group, Identity, Tradition and Sovereignty (ITS). Drawing on interviews with and a qualitative survey of former ITS members, as well as EP archival evidence, the paper begins by discussing why the notion of trans-national cooperation for Radical-Right political parties has proved difficult, and thus far has been doomed to failure, before analyzing the internal and external dynamics behind the rise and fall of the ITS group. Finally, the paper focuses on current collaboration among Radical Right parties post the June 2009 European elections and on the chances of a new trans-national far-right group emerging in the current parliament. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]

Internet Sources

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Internet Sources
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  • The 2016 Euro Plus Monitor: Coping with the Backlash / Lisbon Council, 2016.
    Most erstwhile euro crisis countries have adjusted rapidly and started to feel the first benefits of reform. Economic growth is close to its trend rate of 1.5% in the eurozone and unemployment is falling noticeably. The recovery is more broad-based and better entrenched than before. However, political populism poses a grave threat that could reverse the progress. This is the main finding of The 2016 Euro Plus Monitor: Coping with the Backlash, the much-awaited bi-annual competitiveness ranking published by the Lisbon Council and Berenberg. This year, the study is expanded and updated to cover all 28 European Union member states and includes special chapters on Brexit and the economic risks of populism.
  • ltomonte, Carlo ; Villafranca, AntonioEurope in Identity Crisis: The Future of the EU in the Age of Nationalism / ISPI report, December 2019.
    Today’s European Union is in an identity crisis as it seems to be losing its points of reference. The principles that upheld its creation are being increasingly questioned around the world and within the EU itself. Its chances to survive hinge upon its ability to deliver at home and abroad, without abandoning its values and principles but rather adapting and re-launching them. This volume offers policy options on key questions for the future of the EU: How to scale-up its role abroad? How to benefit from new partners without severing ties with traditional allies such as the US? How to contain Eurosceptic forces by reducing inequalities? And how to reinforce the euro while aiming at more sustainable and balanced growth?
  • Balfour, Rosa ; Emmanouilidis, Janis A. et al. Europe’s troublemakers – The populist challenge to foreign policy / European Policy Centre, 2016.
    The growing intertwining of domestic and international politics is changing our understanding of both foreign relations and democratically legitimate government. At the same time, populist parties are thriving, challenging the status quo and the ruling elite, becoming the new ‘troublemakers’. As the transformative impact of populism on foreign relations has been little explored, this Report explores whether and how the populists are shaping the debate, and what the consequences might be for foreign policy-making in the EU. One thing seems certain: populism is here to stay, even if it ebbs and flows. Both left and right-wing populists are exploiting a crisis of democracy and legitimacy. Traditional politics thus needs to address the more deep-rooted malaise which is fueling discontent, rather than to stigmatise, mock or ignore its symptoms, or worse still, join the chorus of complainers.
  • Beck, Thorsten ; Underhill, Geoffrey. Quo Vadis? Identity, policy and the future of the European Union / VOX , 2017.
    The institutions and even the very idea of the EU are under fire, with feelings of disenfranchisement among large parts of the population driving support for populist movements across the continent. This column introduces a new eBook that brings together analyses of this multidimensional crisis and of the way out – the future of the European Union. A worryingly common message is that muddling through will not be enough to save the EU as a political project. ( e-raamatu lugemiseks on vajalik  registreerimine portaali kasutajaks)
  • Chryssogelos, AngelosOld Ghosts in New Sheets: European Populist Parties and Foreign Policy / Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies, 2011.
    This research paper analyses the foreign policy positions of five populist parties of the Right and Left in Western Europe. It focuses on foreign policy, an often ignored dimension of their ideas. It aims to fill a hole in policy debates by showing that European populism poses a coherent threat to mainstream politics, that foreign policy can be instrumental to the challenge mounted by populist parties against centrist politics and that the impact of those positions is practical and real for European states and the European Union.
  • Dittrich, Paul-Jasper. Social Networks and Populism in the EU : Comparative Study / Jacques Delors Institute, 2017.
    In the last years populist movements and parties across the EU have managed to use social networks increasingly as a platform for political communication and mobilization. This has allowed them to communicate directly with a steadily growing number of followers and distribute their political content to a mass audience. Why are populists seemingly so successful in communicating their messages via social networks? In this paper, Paul-Jasper Dittrich, research fellow at the Jacques Delors Institute – Berlin, offers an interpretation of populism as a political communication strategy in Germany, Italy, France and Spain. The analysis shows that populists have managed to establish social networks as a communication and mobilization tool in all four countries.
  • Dustmann, Christian ; Eichengreen, Barry ; Otten, Sebastian ; Sapir, André ; Tabellini, Guido ; Zoega, Gylfi. Europe’s Trust Deficit: Causes and Remedies / VOX, 2017.
    Has trust in political institutions in Europe fallen and populist politics risen to such levels that the European Union is at risk of disintegration? Could other countries follow the United Kingdom and leave the European Union? Or has the tide of populism and distrust in Europe receded and will Brexit be unique? This first report in the Monitoring International Integration series uses data from the European Social Survey on trust in national parliaments and in the European Union, disaggregated to the individual level and paired with information on regional macro variables such as GDP and unemployment, to identify economic and social characteristics associated with Europe’s growing trust deficit in some EU countries. The report also uses data on elections to the European Parliament, disaggregated to the regional level, to identify factors associated with support for non-mainstream political parties and movements labelled as “anti-EU”.
  • Emerson, Michael et al.  British Balance of Competence Reviews, Part II: Again, a huge contradiction between the evidence and Eurosceptic populism / Swedish Institute for European Policy Studies, 2014.
    The British government has undertaken further reviews of EU policies: this second round yet again reveals the huge contradiction between the evidence collected from independent stakeholders and the arguments put forward by Eurosceptic populists. Of the reviews surveyed here one group concerns competences that the UK prioritises (internal market and external trade); a second group of competences where the UK has a leading position as beneficiary or as shaper of EU policies (research, transport and environment); and a third group where the UK has secured exceptional flexibility for itself to opt in or opt out (Schengen, civil justice). These findings are deliberately ignored by Eurosceptic populists, but may, with sustained information campaigns, gradually enter into the common sense of the population, especially when confronted with the stark choice of an ‘in or out’ referendum.
  • EU politics, extremist parties and populism / Council of the European Union, 2017.
    This special issue of the Council of the European Union’s Think Tank Review provides access to the full text of recent articles and papers (April 2016-April 2017) from major European think tanks on EU politics, focusing in particular on extremist parties and populism. The Review is compiled by the Library of the Council of the EU.
  • Euroscepticism in small EU member states / editor Kārlis Bukovskis ; [authors: Aldis Austers … et al. ; English language editor: Līvija Uskalis]. – Riga : Latvian Institute of International Affairs : Zinātne, 2016. – 159 lk.
    The book “Euroscepticism in Small EU Member States” is an effort by an international team of analysts to address the Euroscepticism phenomenon in small European Union Member States. It draws the general conclusions that the observed small countries of different enlargement periods, namely, Luxembourg, Ireland, Portugal, Finland, Latvia, Bulgaria and Croatia, are realists in terms of reckoning the political and economic gains from the membership and future amendments of the EU policies. Although Eurosceptic ideas are not unfamiliar in any of the countries, calls for exiting the European Union are marginalised.
  • Falkner, Gerda. Populist radical right parties and EU policies : how coherent are their claims? / European University Institute: Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, 2018.
    In recent national elections and in those to the European Parliament, populist radical right parties (PRRP) have gained many more votes than in previous decades. What could that mean, at least in the longer run, for EU activities in such areas as e.g. the Internal Market, social or environmental regulation, migration management, and defence? Beyond these parties’ general attitude of Euro-scepticism, we know close to nothing about their views regarding specific EU policies. Therefore, we have recently assembled and analysed a novel dataset of programmatic statements. In this paper, we discuss how (in-)coherent the policy-specific demands of different PRRPs within the European Union actually are. How much do they agree or disagree when it comes to reforming EU policies?
  • Fournier, Théo. From rhetoric to action : a constitutional analysis of populism / European University Institute, LAW Working Papers, 2018.
    Through this article, I analyse populism through the scope of constitutional law. It allows me first to underline the using, by populist parties, of a specific rhetoric which targets directly the two pillars of constitutional democracies: the rule of the majority and the rule-of-law. Populist rhetoric is, in my opinion, the much smaller common denominator to all populist parties. It consists in a fictional discourse aiming at convincing a fictional majority that constitutional democracy is at the origin of a tyranny of the minorities. Then I demonstrate how populist rhetoric – which is a strategy of political opposition – evolves into concrete constitutional amendments once populist parties are in power. For this I analyse, first, Ms. le Pen constitutional program drafted at the occasion of the 2016 French elections and, second, Mr. Orban constitutional amendments since Fidesz party came in power in 2010. The two cases underline a thorough understanding of the specific constitutional contexts the two populist parties are evolving in – far from a spread assumption that populism does not play by the “constitutional rules”. It is where the paradox of populism lays down: while through their rhetoric they reject any sort of rule of law, one in power, populists still respect constitutional rules to implement reforms which threaten the rule of law. I conclude my study by asking whether or not populism and constitutionalism can be reconciled. My answer is no, the so-called ‘populist constitutionalism’ is an oxymoron simply because values carried on by constitutionalism are incompatible with populists’ agenda.
  • Gaston, Sophie. Far-Right Extremism in a Populist Age / Demos, 2017.
    This paper has been prepared against a backdrop of ‘shifting sands’ across Europe and the United States, with fundamental realignments in national political contexts, a broadly spread hardening of attitudes towards cultural and ethnic diversity, and a sense that the far-right – both through attitudes and expressions of violent extremism and populist political movements – has assumed a visible and influential role of historic proportions. It summarises some of the recent trends and developments in the manifestation and enforcement of far-right extremism in a variety of national contexts in both Europe and the United States.
  • Gaston, Sophie. Mediating Populism / Demos, 2018.
    Through a unique series of anonymous, candid interviews with political journalists, producers and editors , the report peers behind the curtain at Britain’s media organisations, shining light on the daily practices of journalism in the digital age. In a case study focusing on the personal and organisational decisions made in covering the European Referendum in June 2016, it showcases the complex intersection of moral, practical and competitive decisions that built one of the most consequential information environments in British history. While much has been discussed about the media’s role in the ‘populist turn’ in Western democracies, this has largely focused on social media platforms, and the actual experience of journalists in responding to these turbulent political times has previously been little explored.
  • Grabbe, Heather. Populism in the EU: new threats to the open society? / European Policy Centre, 2014.
    Writing about populism in the EU, Heather Grabbe asserts that populist parties are thriving, partially due to deep concerns such as economic pain, disillusionment with politics, scepticism toward the representative value of European democracy and insecurities regarding national identities and the durability of European social contracts. She stresses that the increased political power of these parties could change the balance of power between EU institutions, lead to negative spill-over effects into national politics and endanger the EU infrastructure of rights and rule of law. The author calls on European leaders to limit racism in the public debate; connect national and European politics to increase tolerance and bring more voices into the debates and increase transparency at EU level. Furthermore, instead of forming a grand coalition to protect the status quo, mainstream parties should become more active and reform the EU by making progress on issues such as fundamental rights and services liberalisation, while fuelling public debates about the future of Europe and communicating better through social media.
  • Gros, Daniel. Can the EU survive in an age of populism? / Swedish Institute for European Policy Studies, 2017.
    Despite the formidable threats currently facing the EU, Daniel Gros offers reassurances that its multi-level democracy and open economy will become more attractive again once the populists fail to deliver and weakened checks and balances lead to excesses.
  • Gros, Daniel. Is globalisation really fuelling populism? / Swedish Institute for European Policy Studies, 2016.
    On both sides of the Atlantic, populism on the left and the right is on the rise. Its most visible standard-bearer in the United States is Donald Trump, the Republican Party’s presumptive presidential nominee. In Europe, there are many strands – from Spain’s leftist Podemos party to France’s right-wing National Front – but all share the same opposition to centrist parties and to the establishment in general. What accounts for voters’ growing revolt against the status quo?
  • Leonard, Mark ; Torreblanca, José Ignacio. The Eurosceptic surge and how to respond to it / European Council on Foreign Relations, 2014.
    After years of crisis, opinion polls across Europe forecast sweeping gains for Eurosceptic parties at the EU elections in May 2014. They are especially likely to make gains in three large countries: France, Italy, and the United Kingdom, become a key political force in Greece, Czech Republic and the Netherlands and get quite a push in Denmark, Austria, Lithuania, Hungary and Finland. With a growing transnational power base in an increasingly powerful European Parliament, these parties may be able to slow down further eurozone integration and undermine the legitimacy of the European project. But the biggest impact of a Eurosceptic victory may be on mainstream politics. They may succeed in associating the EU with fears over immigration, and turn politics into a crude and unhelpful battle between “more” and “less” Europe.
  • Merkel, Wolfgang. Past, present and future of democracy / Directorate-General for Research and Innovation (European Commission), 2019.
    The EU’s framework programmes for research and innovation have devoted significant investments towards the study of democracy. This review presents findings from framework programme projects and in general takes stock of European research on the subject matter. It provides a mapping of results, evidence and recommendations, and assesses the needs and pertinent foci for future European research. It aims to build on areas of research where there is already a good deal of knowledge. At the same time, it focuses on those areas where there are gaps in our knowledge about the workings of and present threats to democracy.
  • Michel, Elie. Welfare politics and the radical right. The relevance of welfare politics for the radical right’s success in western Europe / European University Institute, 2017.
    This thesis looks at the success of radical right parties in western Europe through the perspective of welfare politics, by examining parties and voters in a comparative and mixed method perspective. I argue that purely socio-cultural or socio-economic accounts of the radical right success face several theoretical and empirical shortcomings. Focusing on the conflict dimension of welfare politics — who gets what, when and how in terms of social benefits — constitutes a novel approach to explain these parties’ and voters’ political preferences.
  • Missiroli, Antonio. The rise of anti-EU populism: why, and what to do about it / European Policy Centre, 2011.
    This Policy Brief by Antonio Missiroli (BEPA) tracks the growth of anti-EU populism over the last decade, describing how populist leaders have successfully plugged into citizens’ concerns about the future, their fears of economic decline, financial insolvency and rising immigration. They have used this to build political movements that threaten the EU’s legitimacy and even its ability to act, especially as mainstream parties are not countering the populist rhetoric with the necessary determination. The author suggests a number of measures to fight anti-EU populism, including dispelling anti-Europe myths, highlighting inconsistencies in the populist narrative, emphasising EU politicians’ and officials’ political legitimacy, and acknowledging problems for what they are as a precondition for articulating adequate solutions publicly.
  • Nothing to Fear but Fear Itself? Mapping and Responding to a Rising Culture and Politics of Fear in the European Union / Demos, 2016.
    This major new research project from Demos will seek to capture how an emerging culture and politics of fear is gripping the European Union as a whole, and its unique manifestations within member states. Demos will be undertaking extensive pan-European research, as well as conducting specific analysis on the implications for the United Kingdom. We will also be commissioning exclusive new academic research within five other member states to provide a snapshot of the ‘flash-points of fear’ on the ground: Spain, France, Germany, Poland and Sweden. 
  • Pelinka, Anton. Extremisten gegen Europa / Österreichische Gesellschaft für Europapolitik, 2015.
    Der europäische Einigungsprozess ist ein Produkt der politischen Mitte, die den Weg von der Europäischen Gemeinschaft für Kohle und Stahl zur Union des Vertrages von Lissabon gegen den Widerstand extremistischer Parteien auf der nationalistischen äußersten Rechten und der linkssozialistisch-kommunistischen äußersten Linken durchgesetzt hat. Hinter diesem Widerstand stehen nicht nur taktische Motive, sondern auch unausgesprochene Gemeinsamkeiten latent totalitärer Vorstellungen von Politik. Von der Verhinderung des Europäischen Verteidigungsvertrages 1954 bis zum Scheitern des Verfassungsvertrages 2005 demonstriert die faktische Allianz der Extremismen ihre Fähigkeit, ein Fortschreiten der Einigung Europas zu blockieren. Beide Extremismen gehen von illusionären Vorstellungen aus, die im Widerspruch zur politischen Realität stehen, die aber – populistisch vermittelt – Gefühle gegen Vernunft zu mobilisieren verstehen. Beide Extremismen sind durch ein gemeinsames „Defining Other“ verbunden – die liberale Demokratie, wie sie sich in Europa auch und vor allem in der Europäischen Union manifestiert.
  • Populism in Central Europe 2018 (Final Report). Anti EU-rhetoric versus own national interests? National populism and its reception in Central Europe / Österreichische Gesellschaft für Europapolitik, 2018. Our research is based on five representative opinion-surveys that were conducted in all partner countries in a comparable set up and which provide a broad insight into the public opinion in Central Europe on EU membership, its advantages and downsides as well as the assessment of national EU politics, the question of a gap between elites and “ordinary” citizens and other related topics. The results of our surveys were lively discussed at public events organised in all capitals of the project partners as well as in Brussels. This report highlights the main results of our surveys, depicts some of the citizens’ views and finally draws conclusions and policy recommendations on how to tackle the challenges ahead and contribute to a constructive European debate based on common values and mutual understanding instead of limited national views that in the end lead to divisiveness and the loss of long-term achievements of the European integration process.
  • Reid, Jim ; Templeman, Luke. Politics, populism and power / Deutsche Bank Research, 2019.
    Many investors think of themselves as apolitical, however, recent market turbulence has reinforced just how much politics can affect business and finance. This issue of Konzept offers incisive opinion on some pressing political issues, including the trade war between China and the US, next year’s US presidential election, European populism, technology regulation, Brexit, and more. 
  • Siewert, Norman. Rechtsextreme Gewalt in Deutschland vor dem Hintergrund der „Flüchtlings- und Migrationskrise“ / Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, 2019.
    Auf dem Weg in einen neuen Rechtsterrorismus? Die Jahre 2015 und 2016 markieren einen neuen Höhepunkt rechtsextremer Gewalt in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. War das Thema Asyl bereits 2014 das wichtigste rechtsextreme Kampagnenthema, hat sich der sprunghaft angestiegene Zustrom von Migranten im Spätsommer 2015 bis zum Frühjahr 2016 in hohem Maße radikalisierend auf den gesamten Phänomenbereich ausgeübt. Im Zuge dessen kam es zu beträchtlichen rechtsterroristischen Aktivitäten. Klandestine Gruppenzusammenschlüsse wie die „Gruppe Freital“, „Oldschool Society“ oder „Revolution Chemnitz“ nahmen gezielt Migranten, Flüchtlingshelfer und Politiker ins Visier. Zusätzlich stellten kurzentschlossene Einzeltäter wie Frank S., der die Kölner Oberbürgermeisterin Henriette Reker niederstach, die Sicherheitsdienste vor neue Herausforderungen. Das Papier gibt einen Überblick über das aktuelle Gewaltpotential des Rechtsextremismus und beleuchtet darüber hinaus die rechtsterroristische Bedrohungslage vor dem Hintergrund der „Flüchtlings- und Migrationskrise“.
  • Stoyanova, Vladislava. Populism, Exceptionality, and the Right to Family Life of Migrants under the European Convention on Human Rights // European Journal of Legal Studies (2018) nr. 2.
    The recent populist turn in national and international politics poses a threat to the rights of migrants. In this context, the key question that this article addresses is whether and how the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), as interpreted by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), can be a point of resistance against populism. More specifically, how might the ECtHR respond to the anti-migration dimension of the populist politics when adjudicating cases implicating the rights of migrants (with a focus on the right to family life)? In this article, I acknowledge that the Court, through its adjudicative function, has created a space where the state has to advance reasoned arguments to justify disruptions of family life in pursuit of immigration control objectives. At the same time, however, I also demonstrate that this space does not reflect the usual rigor of scrutiny conducted by the Court in cases that do not concern immigration policies (i.e. the proportionality reasoning with its distinctive subtests is applied with serious aberrations). The Court acts with restraint when called upon to uphold the rights of migrants; it sides with the sovereign states and, therefore, any populist attacks against the Court are unsubstantiated. I would like to also inject a note of caution for the Court itself about how it reasons. More specifically, in its restraint to exercise resistance against the sovereign states’ entitlements in the area of migration, the Court is getting dangerously close to utilizing populist tools. Finally, I explain the ‘procedural turn’ taken by the Court when adjudicating the right to family life of migrants. While I acknowledge that this is a useful tool for the Court to maintain its standing in the sensitive area of migration, I also indicate the dangers that might emerge from its application. In particular, controversial decisions are left to be taken at the national level and the Court will be reluctant to examine them unless the quality of the national decision-making process is suspect.
  • Surel, Yves. The European Union and the challenges of populism / Jacques Delors Institute, 2011.
    The progression of extremist parties in recent elections (for example in Finland in April 2011) relaunched the debate on the rise of populism within the EU, as well as the negative attitudes of national public opinion and political leaders, on solidarity in the Eurozone or migration issues. In this context, the Notre Europe’s Policy Brief written by Yves Surel analyses the populist phenomena in an historical and theoretical perspective and describes how the EU can be the target of populism, as well as the limited responses of the European authorities.
  • Swoboda, Hannes ; Wiersma, Jan Marinus. Democracy, populism and minority rights / European Parliament, 2008.
    Socialists and social democrats are and should be very concerned about growing populism and an increasing lack of respect for minorities. This publication concentrates on recent developments in new Member States. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe have in the last two decades gone through a democratic and socio-economic transition which is without precedent. Latent problems related to that process came to the surface after EU accession, culminating in expressions of extreme nationalism, the rise of populist parties and the reappearance of unresolved questions concerning minorities. In this publication, edited and introduced by Hannes Swoboda and Jan Marinus Wiersma, these trends are analysed and discussed in a frank way by well known researchers and prominent MEPs from the new Member States. They give a better insight and provide lessons on how to move our agenda forward in the whole of Europe.
  • Railo, Erkka ; Vares, Vesa. The Many Faces of Populism: The True Finns through the lens of political history and the media / Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies, 2011.
    The purpose of this publication is to examine the True Finns’ good result in the 2011 parliamentary election from the viewpoint of political communication. On the one hand, it analyses the True Finns’ media publicity prior to the election as regards the coverage of the European Union and the global economic crisis in particular. On the other hand, it reviews how the True Finns’ MP candidates employed blogging in their electoral campaigns and the kind of response they received. These two forms of political communication are linked by the result: the True Finns gained credibility as a representative for many people as well as an agent in political activity. The main argument is that the mainstream media inadvertently mobilised the True Finns’ potential supporters, while the MP candidates of the party themselves managed to mobilise many more through the social media and, in particular, by blogging.
  • Renda, Andrea. Renzi’s defeat is not another victory of populism / Swedish Institute for European Policy Studies, 2016.
    Following the resignation of the Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, Andrea Renda cautions in this CEPS Commentary against conflating the Italian situation with other recent waves of populism that have led to Brexit and the election of Donald Trump.
  • State of democracy, human rights and the rule of law. Populism – How strong are Europe’s checks and balances?  / Report by the Secretary General of the Council of Europe, 2017.
    This is the fourth annual report of the Secretary General of the Council of Europe on the state of democracy, human rights and the rule of law in Europe. As with previous reports, the five chapters look at the key building blocks of democratic security: efficient, impartial and independent judiciaries; freedom of expression; freedom of assembly and freedom of association; democratic institutions; and inclusive societies. The report’s analysis of Council of Europe member states’ strengths and weaknesses in these areas can be used to assess their resilience to the challenges posed by populism.
  • Wierenga, Louis. Russians, Refugees and Europeans: What shapes the discourse of the Conservative People’s Party of Estonia? / Humanities and social sciences. Latvia, 2017.
    The Conservative Peoples’ Party of Estonia (EKRE) presents a unique case in the study of far-right parties for two reasons. First, the ‘others’ to which they juxtapose Estonians are the Russian-speaking minority, who are white, Christian, and to a large extent, share many of the socially conservative values of the EKRE. Second, there has been a trend for European far-right parties to look towards the Russian Federation for ideological support due to shared socially conservative ideological positions, and an opposition to the EU and NATO. EKRE takes a different stance towards the Russian Federation than many other far-right parties in Europe. Interviews were conducted with members of EKRE, as well as members of other political parties in Estonia, primarily focusing on the post-migrant crisis relationship between EKRE and the Russian-speaking population in Estonia, as well as other core issues related to EKRE. The aim of this article is twofold: first, it serves as an introductory piece, introducing EKRE to the broader literature on populist, radical right parties. Secondly, this article asks the questions “is the presence, or the possibility of the presence of a foreign, racially and religiously different ‘other’ enough to attract a significant portion of a national minority to vote for and become members of a PRR party?” and “is the presence, or the possibility of the presence of a foreign, racially and religiously different ‘other’ enough to entice a PRR party to cooperate with a national minority which was previously their target?” This article argues that EKRE is open to Russian-speakers becoming members within the party, but will not extend their reach to them as Russian speakers. Rather, they would welcome Russian-speakers as party members provided they are Estonian nationalists who adhere to the party constitution and see Estonia as a sovereign nation which they seek to protect.
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  • Angelucci, DavideIsernia, Pierangelo.Politicization and security policy: Parties, voters and the European Common Security and Defense Policy // European Union Politics (2020) Vol 21, No. 1, p. 64–86.
    The Common Security and Defense Policy of the European Union has recently come to the forefront as a potential force of integration. This study explores the consequences (if any) of such a move, investigating how likely it is for Common Security and Defense Policy to be politicized and become a new area of dissent. The article explores conditions of politicization at three different levels of analysis: (a) the systemic level, where Common Security and Defense Policy position in a bi-dimensional political space (left–right and anti-pro EU) is discussed; (b) the party level, where potentially successful issue entrepreneurs of Common Security and Defense Policy are identified; (c) the individual voter level, where the probabilities of being mobilized by issue entrepreneurs of Common Security and Defense Policy are assessed. Our analysis suggests that although Common Security and Defense Policy is prone to be politicized and right-wing parties are the most likely group to do so, this move may backfire as right-wing voters are less likely to be mobilized on Common Security and Defense Policy compared to their left-wing counterpart. We discuss the implications of these results for the conceptualization of politicization and European integration. [SAGE Journals]
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  • Herranz-Surralles, Anna. Paradoxes of parliamentarization in European security and defence: when politicization and integration undercut parliamentary capital // Journal of European Integration (2019) Vol. 41, no. 1, p. 29-45.
    European security and defence policy has long been an elusive domain for parliaments. However, two recent developments invite a reassessment of this situation. On the one hand, since 2016, the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has taken on a qualitative step towards further integration. On the other, security and defence issues are becoming more politicized, as shown by the growing polarization of vote at the European Parliament. Studies of parliamentarization have considered both processes (integration and politicization) to be positively correlated with an increase of parliamentary involvement. However, this paper argues that the democracy-enhancing effect of integration and politicization is not straightforward, but depends on the degree and character of these two processes. This point is illustrated by the evolution of supranational parliamentary scrutiny of CSDP, where contrary to the expectations, the recent boost in integration and greater politicization have translated in a relative decline of ‘parliamentary capital’. [Tylor & Frances Online]
  • Svendsen, ØyvindBrexit and the future of EU defence: a practice approach to differentiated defence integration // Journal of European Integration (2019) Vol. 41, no 8, p. 993-1007.
    What consequences will Brexit have for EU defence integration? Answering this question, the article analyses the new visions for the future of EU defence that emerged in the debate after the Brexit vote. In doing so, the paper moves beyond institutionalism and argues that a practice approach to Brexit paves the way for a deeper understanding of EU integration as a social process and of the effects of Brexit. Through a study of the debates and concrete developments in EU defence since the Brexit referendum, the article shows how defence - an area already subject to differentiation - has enabled innovative visions for defence integration in post-Brexit Europe across three dimensions: the military, the political and the economic. Building on this analysis, the paper concludes on the possible consequences of Brexit for EU defence and the value of a practice approach to differentiated defence integration. [Tylor & Francis Journals Complete]
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  • Blockmans, Steven. The EU´s modular approach to defence integration: An inclusive, ambitious and legally binding PESCO? //  Common Market Law Review (2018) Vol. 55, no. 6, p. 1785-1826.
    In response to the need expressed by European leaders to protect their citizens better against security threats emanating from within and outside the EU´s borders, a package of defensive measures has been developed with remarkable speed. Premanent Structured  Cooperation (PESCO) in the area of defence is the most emblematic innovation in his regard. This unique form of enchanced cooperation was triggered under Article 46 TEU. [Paberväljaanne]
  • Duke, Simon. The Enigmatic Role of Defence in the EU: From EDC to EDU? // European Foreign Affairs Review (2018) Vol. 23, no. 1, p. 63–80. 
    The ‘D’ in the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has always been taken for granted with relatively little thought until recently about what it actually means. ‘Defence’, often mentioned alongside security, has an enigmatic quality which has rendered the ‘D’ in CSDP essentially silent. The article posits two inter-related questions. First, in what ways has defence appeared in the European integration narrative, especially more recently? Second, how seriously should advocacy of a common defence for the EU be taken and what are the opportunities and challenges associated with the notion? It will be argued that defence per se is part of the EU’s new level of ambition but the generic use of the term is being rapidly reshaped by geopolitical concerns and possible longer-term changes in transatlantic relations that may lead to a common defence, which is less likely to be a rehashed European Defence Community (EDC) than something based upon variable geometry and permanent structured cooperation. [Paberväljaanne]
  • Kostarkos, Mikhail. Guest Editorial: The role of the European Union Military Committee in EU external relations // European Foreign Affairs Review (2018) Vol. 4, no. 4, p. 435-438. [Paberväljaanne]
  • Larik, Joris. The EU´s Global Strategy, Brexit and “America First” // European Foreign Affairs Review (2018) Vol. 23, No. 3, p. 343-364. [Paberväljaanne]
    In less unusual times, The European Union´s Glbal Strategy for Foreign and Security Policy would have been received as merely yhe latest iteration of the main tenets and ambitions of EU external action – this time with an enhanced dose of pragmantism to respond to a more challenging international environment. However, with “Brexit” looming large and one and a half years into the Trump Presidency in the United States, the Global Strategy has acquired a new level of significance. This article argues that while meant to express a largely uncontroversial “Western” consensus, it now needs to be re-contextualized as a distinctive vision in the face of trends on antiglobalism and Euroscepticism.
  • Martill, Bemjamin; Sus, Monika. Post-Brexit EU/UK security cooperation: NATO, CSDP+, or ‘French connection’? // The British Journal of Politics and International Relations (2018) Vol. 20, no. 4, p. 846-863.
    The purpose of this article is to understand the EU/UK security relationship after Brexit and the institutional form(s) it may take. Taking stock of the literature on the consequences of Brexit for European foreign affairs, this article employs a question-driven approach to examine uncertainties regarding the future EU/UK security relationship. These questions relate in particular to the United Kingdom’s commitment to European security after Brexit, the nature of post-Brexit developments within the Union, and the European Union’s willingness to afford the United Kingdom a substantial role after withdrawal. This article examines each of these questions in turn, before considering the viability of three frequently mooted institutional arrangements post-Brexit: UK participation in the CSDP as a third country; increased engagement with NATO that becomes the main platform for cooperation between the United Kingdom and the European Union; and the enhancement of bilateral ties between the United Kingdom and key European allies – especially France. [SAGE journals]
  • Mason, Robert. The Syria Conflict and the Euro-Med Refugee Crisis: An Opportunity to Enhance the Common Foreign and Security Policy? // European Foreign Affairs Review (2018) Vol. 23, no. 1, p. 81–95.
    The Syrian conflict, including the intervention of external actors and foreign fighters, has caused the greatest humanitarian crisis since the Second World War and a new wave of refugees seeking asylum in the European Union (EU), along with other economic migrants. Many of them have been aided by illegal people traffickers and have landed in Greece from Turkey, on Italian islands such as Lampedusa, been picked up by assets under operation Triton conducted by Frontex, the EU’s border agency, or drowned at sea. Since the Arab Uprisings started in 2011, there has been an acknowledged threat in the EU from political instability and insecurity in the Mediterranean region. However, a lack of specific, integrated and substantial EU Mediterranean responses has meant that the EU has struggled to address the insecurity and humanitarian situations. There has also been limited inter-regional cooperation to address the long-term drivers of migration. This article highlights the EU response to the Syrian refugee crisis in particular, within the context of an evolving Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and how some revisions to it could address a series of negative dynamics such as people trafficking, conflict and a lack of development. [Paberväljaanne]
  • Schade, Daniel. Limiting or liberating? The influence of parliaments on military deployments in multinational settings // The British Journal of Politics and International Relations (2018) Vol. 20, no. 1, p. 84-103.
    Multilateral contexts often complicate parliaments’ efforts to scrutinise and influence security policy, as parliaments usually work in a national setting. This article explores how the internationalisation of security policy has altered parliamentary constraints on executive decision-making. It focuses on cases where multilateral decision-making is particularly advanced and studies military deployments under the auspices of the European Union’s (EU’s) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Using the examples of France, the United Kingdom and Germany, the article examines how the policy’s location at the intersection of decision-making on security and EU matters creates new opportunities for member state parliaments to scrutinise it. Yet, as an analysis of three CSDP military operations shows, these opportunities do not always translate into increased scrutiny practice and vary in line with factors such as national troop contributions, distinct political traditions and an operation’s salience. [SAGE Premier]
  • Scheffel, Nikolaus. Auf dem Weg zu einer europäischen Verteidigungsunion // Neue Zeitschrift für Verwaltungsrecht (2018) nr. 18, lk. 1347-1353. ELi riikide kaitsekoostööst ja PESCO (alaline
    struktureeritud koostöö) käivitamisest. [BECK]
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  • Elsuwege, Peter Van. Upholding the rule of law in the Common Foreign and Security Policy: H v. Council // Common Market Law Review (2017) Vol 54, No 3, p.841-858. [Paberväljaanne]
  • Litsas, Spyridon N. The European Common Security and Defense Concept: Opportunities and Challenges // Mediterranean Quarterly (2017) Vol. 28, no. 3, p. 56-67.
    This essay analyses one of the most common yet stagnated concepts of European politics—the common security and defense prospects of Europe. The analysis shows that although a common security and defense cooperation scheme has been a mainstay of European political discourse since the end of World War II, discussion never resulted in a concrete or realistic plan. The reasons for this emphatic failure can be found in the political complexities of the European structure and in the difficulties of implementing such a challenging plan.
  • Moskalenko, Oleksandr; Streltsov, Volodymyr. Shaping a “Hybrid” CFSP to face “Hybrid” security challanges // European Foreign Affairs Review (2017) Vol. 22, no. 4, p. 513-532.
    Dispite the formal abolition of the “pillars”, in practice they have been preserved by special rules for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The current academic  discource about the CFSP reflects the dichotomy of supranational and intergovernmental EU components /…/. The article argues that the further development of supranational practice within the CFSP is a rational response to current “hybrid” challenges. This argument is supported by the post-Lisbon CFSP institutional dynamics, which revel the need for synergy in the polcy area and simultaneously offers a number of practical steps towards re-shaping its institutional architecture. [Paberväljaanne]
  • Poli, Sara. The Common Foreign Security Policy after Rosneft: Still imperfect but gradually suject to the run of law // Common Market Law Review (2017) Vol. 54, No. 6, p. 1799-1834.
    Case C-72/15, The Queen (PJSC Rosneft Oil Company) v. Her Majesty´s Treasury, Judgement of the Court of Justice (Grand Chamber), of 28 March 2017, EU:C:2017:236. [Paberväljaanne]
  • Rees, Wyn. America, Brexit and the security of Europe // The British Journal of Politics and International Relations (2017) Vol. 19, No 3, p. 558–572.
    The Obama administration played a surprisingly interventionist role in the UK referendum on membership of the European Union (EU), arguing that a vote to leave would damage European security. Yet this article contends that US attitudes towards the EU as a security actor, and the part played within it by the United Kingdom, have been much more complex than the United States has sought to portray.  [SAGE Journals Onlines]
  • Schilde, KaijaEuropean Military Capabilities: Enablers and Constraints on EU Power? // Journal of Common Market Studies (2017) Vol. 55 No. 1, p. 37-53.
    How should we understand the role of the EU in the world – and its relational power vis-à-vis other international actors? And to what degree is the Russia-Ukraine crisis a critical juncture in EU power dynamics over time? This contribution to this Special Issue evaluates EU power through the lens of material power and capabilities, and analyzes patterns and changes in material capabilities as indicators of threat and strategic assessments. [Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
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  • Biscop, Sven. All or nothing? The EU Global Strategy and defence policy after the Brexit // Contemporary Security Policy (2016) Vol. 37, No 3, p. 431-445.
    The public expects European governments and the European Union (EU) to deal with the security challenges in and around Europe. So does the US, whose strategic focus has pivoted to the Pacific. Washington, DC has made it clear that it will not, and cannot, solve all of Europe’s problems. The call for ‘strategic autonomy’ in the new EU Global Strategy of June 2016 does not come a moment too soon. But should the aim be EU strategic autonomy, without the UK, or can the aspiration still be European strategic autonomy, with the UK? [Taylor & Francis Online]
  • Eckes, ChristinaCommon Foreign and Security Policy: The Consequences of the Court’s Extended Jurisdiction // European Law Journal (2016) Vol. 22, No 4, p. 492-518. Despite the explicit exclusion of its jurisdiction, the Court of Justice of the European Union exercises judicial control over Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). This article examines and explains how the Court’s extended jurisdiction contributes to the juridification, judicialisation and constitutionalisation of the EU’s compound CFSP structures. It first lays the groundwork by explaining the link between constitutionalisation and democratic legitimation and setting out the Court’s formal jurisdiction over CFSP under Article 40 Treaty on European Union and Articles 218(11) and 275(2) Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. The centre piece of the article then identifies how the Court’s jurisdiction has expanded since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, points at additional ‘substantive’ avenues of judicial review on the basis of access to information and access to justice, and analyses the effects of the Court of Justice of the European Union’s extended jurisdiction for CFSP. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Mälksoo, MariaFrom the ESS to the EU Global Strategy: external policy, internal purpose // Contemporary Security Policy (2016) Vol 37, No. 3, p. 374-388.
    Security strategies are important sites for narrating the EU into existence as a security actor. The unveiling of a new global strategy on foreign and security policy for the EU immediately post-Brexit could be conceived as a pledge to remain together as a Union for the purposes of contributing to global security in a particular way. This paper offers a brief stock-taking of the EU’s way of writing security from the European Security Strategy (2003) to the EU Global Strategy (2016). [Taylor & Francis Online]
  • Riddervold, Marianne. (Not) in the hands of the Member States: How the European Commission influences EU Security and Defence Policies // Journal of Common Market Studies: JCMS (2016) Vol. 54, No. 2, p. 353-369.
    The European Union´s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) is run using special procedures. The Member States have not delegated powers to the supranational institutions. Yet a number of studies challenge yhe assumption that policy-making lies exclusively with Member States´ governments. [Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Riekeles, GeorgA Security and Defence Union // European View (2016) Vol.15, No.1, p.13-26.
    Security and defence have become the new front lines of the European project. The time has come to build a Security and Defence Union capable of delivering security to Europe’s citizens and the wider continent in a challenging international environment. It should be based on five qualitative leaps: a security strategy for Europe, an institutional revamp, renewed military ambition, integration of defence capabilities and a new partnership with NATO. With the forthcoming Global Strategy on Foreign and Security Policy , the follow-up ‘white book’–process and the Commission’s defence action plan, 2016 offers the strategic sequence necessary for the Union to move forward. [SpringerOpen Free]
  • Whitman, Richard GThe UK and EU Foreign, Security and Defence Policy after Brexit: Integrated, Associated or Detached? // National Institute Economic Review (2016) Vol. 238, No. 1,  p. R43–R50
    None of the existing models for the future trade policy relationship between the UK and the EU come with a predetermined foreign and security policy relationship. This article assesses how the future EU-UK foreign and security policy relationship might be organised post-Brexit. [SAGE Journals Online]
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  • Bremberg, Niklas. The European Union as Security Community-Building Institution: Venues, Networks and Co-operative Security Practices // Journal of Common Market Studies (2015) Vol. 53, No 3, p. 674-692.
    How does the European Union promote security beyond its borders? This article answers this seemingly straightforward question by exploring how the EU works as security community-building institution vis-à-vis non-members. Drawing upon practice theory in International Relations, the article unpacks the security community concept, focusing especially on the relation between co-operative security practices and the expansion of security communities. [Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
     
  • Irondelle, Bastien; Mérand, Frédéric; Foucault, MartialPublic support for European defence: Does strategic culture matter? // European Journal of Political Research (2015), Vol. 54 , No. 2, p. 363-383.

    This article identifies previously ignored determinants of public support for the European Union’s security and defence ambitions. In contrast to public opinion vis-à-vis the EU in general, the literature on attitudes towards a putative European army or the existing Common Security and Defence Policy ( CSDP) suggests that the explanatory power of sociodemographic and economic variables is weak, and focuses instead on national identity as the main determinant of one’s support. This article explores the possible impact of strategic culture, and argues that preferences vis-à-vis the EU’s security and defence ambitions are formed in part through pre-existing social representations of security. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
     
  • Rosen, Guri. EU confidential: The European Parliament ́s involement in EU security and defence policy // Journal of Common Market Studies (2015) Vol. 53, No. 2, p. 383-398.
    In 2002, the European Parliament (EP) and the Council concluded an Interinstitutional Agreement that gave the EP privileged access to sensitive documents in the area of security and defence. [Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
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  • Pabriks, Artis. European security: stop sleeping and wake up // European View (2014) Vol. 13, No. 2, p. 259-268.
    The twenty-first century has come with new security challenges, some of which are being played out very close to Europe’s borders. One of the latest examples is Russia’s growing aggression, which is challenging European political principles and core values. Russia appears to be testing the unity and strength of the Western world.
     
  • Pohl, BenjaminTo what ends? Governmental interests and European Union (non-)intervention in Chad and the Democratic Republic of Congo // Cooperation and Conflict (2014) Vol. 49, No. 2, p. 191-211.
    Since the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy framework became operational in 2003, the Union has undertaken more than 20 crisis management operations. The drivers behind this activity remain debated. This article proposes a fresh interpretation based on governmental interests as defined by domestic political risks and opportunities. [Sage Journals Onlines]
     
  • Panayotova, Monika. It is time for strategic rethinking // European View (2014) Vol. 13, No. 1, p. 153-160.
    It is time for Europe to undertake a major strategic rethink in the field of security and defence. The article looks at why this is the case and makes recommendations and conclusions on three key elements for EU consideration: the new challenges and the complex nature of security threats faced by the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the Common Security and Defence Policy, the new policy environment and legal framework after 2009, and the need for a new or an updated European security strategy.
     
  • Rayroux, AntoineSpeaking EU defence at home: Contentious discourses and constructive ambiguity // Cooperation and Conflict (2014) Vol. 49, No. 3, p. 386-405.
    Using discursive institutionalism as an analytical framework, this article addresses how national actors build, coordinate and communicate discourses on EU defence policy (CSDP) at home. The empirical analysis is based on a comparative study of substantive and interactive discourses in France and Ireland, two contrasted cases. [Sage Journals Onlines]
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  • Biscop, Sven. The UK and European defence: leading or leaving? // International Affairs (2012) Vol. 88, No. 6, p. 1297-1313.
    The UK, with France, initiated the European, today Common, Security and Defence Policy (ESDP/CSDP) in 1998–9. A strong consensus on the need to address capability shortfalls, which the UK accepted to attempt under the EU flag, however masked the lack of consensus about the extent to which the EU would also make policy and launch operations (which would require permanent planning and conduct structures). [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO; Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Dijkstra, HylkeAgenda-setting in the Common Security and Defence Policy: An institutionalist perspective // Cooperation and Conflict (2012) Vol. 47, No. 4, p. 454-472. The European Union (EU) has launched an impressive number of crisis management missions since its Common Security and Defence Policy became operational in 2003. This article analyses the agenda-setting phase of these civilian and military operations in order to explain why the EU has sent troops, policemen, judges, prosecutors and monitors across three continents. [Sage Journals Onlines]
  • Howorth, JolyonDecision-making in security and defense policy: Towards supranational inter-governmentalism? // Cooperation and Conflict (2012) Vol. 47, No. 4, p. 433-453.
    For scholars and practitioners of European politics alike, the distinction between supranationalism and inter-governmentalism has always been fundamental. This distinction has underpinned the various schools of European integration theory, just as it has remained crucial for European governments keen to demonstrate that the Member States remain in charge of key policy areas. [Sage Journals Onlines]
  • Jacobs, And. EU Crisis Management in Berlin: The Fall of Ministerial Walls? // West European Politics (2012) Vol. 25, No. 3, p. 466-490.
    The EU’s civilian and military crisis management operations have grown in number, complexity, and geographical outreach. In the absence of EU-level capabilities, the success of EU external crisis management is highly dependent on the timely delivery of national financial, human, and material resources. [Taylor & Francis Journals Complete]
  • Schlag, GabiInto the ‘Heart of Darkness’ — EU’s civilising mission in the DR Congo // Journal of International Relations and Development (2012) Vol. 15, No. 3, p. 321-344.
    ‘Normative Power Europe’, a concept introduced by Ian Manners in 2002 in order to describe the international identity of the European Union, remains a lasting point of reference for academic as well as political debates. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO); Business Source Complete (EBSCO; ProQuest Research Library]
  • Styan, David. EU power and armed humanitarianism in Africa: evaluating ESDP in Chad // Cambridge Review of International Affairs (2012) Vol. 25, No. 4, p. 651-668.
    This article analyses the European Union’s largest European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) military mission outside Europe to date; Eufor Tchad/RCA was a 3700-strong force involving personnel from 23 states, deployed to Chad and the Central African Republic for 12 months from March 2008. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
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  • Beyer, Jessica L; Hofmann, Stephanie CVarieties of neutrality // Cooperation and Conflict (2011) Vol. 46, No. 3, p. 285-311.
    With the end of the Cold War, the neutral countries of Austria, Finland, Ireland and Sweden have grappled with the question of what their neutrality means in relation to membership in the European Union’s (EU) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) Partnership for Peace (PfP). [Sage Journals Onlines]
  • Bickerton, Chris J.; Irondelle, Bastien; Menon, AnandSecurity Co-operation beyond the Nation-State: The EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy // Journal of Common Market Studies (2011) Vol. 49, No. 1, p. 1-21.
    The article presents a critical overview of research on the European Union’s Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). Topics discussed include the evolving nature of the CSDP and the shift in its focus from European to global concerns, achievements of the CSDP, the debate on the performance and effectiveness of the CSDP, and theoretical frameworks within which to view the CSDP, among them international relations theories and an institutional perspective. [Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Greiçevci, LabinotEU Actorness in International Affairs: The Case of EULEX Mission in Kosovo // Perspectives on European Politics and Society (2011) Vol. 12, No. 3, p. 283-303.
    This article discusses one of the missions of the European Union Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) and, so far, the biggest EU mission in the area of conflict management: the rule of law mission in Kosovo, dubbed EULEX Kosovo. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Lord, Christopher. The political theory and practice of parlamentary participation in the Common Security and Defence Policy // Journal of European Public Policy (2011) Vol. 18, No. 8 (special issue), p. 1133-1150.
    This contribution develops normative arguments for the democratic and parliamentary control of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). However, on the Kantian assumption that ‘ought implies can’, it also tries to make a case for parliamentary control in the face of scepticism about parliamentary politics in general, the capacities of the European Parliament (EP) and national parliaments to exercise satisfactory levels of public control over Union decisions, and the participation of parliaments in security decisions.
  • Menon, AnandEuropean Defence Policy from Lisbon to Libya // Survival (2011) Vol. 53, No. 3, p.75-90.
    The EU’s inactivity in the face of a crisis with obvious security implications for its member states has led to anguished soul searching. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Mérand, Frédéric; Hofmann, Stéphanie C.; Irondelle, Bastien. Governance and State Power: A Network Analysis of European Security // Journal of Common Market Studies (2011) Vol. 49, No. 1, p. 121-147.
    A growing number of scholars argue that the development of the common security and defence policy (CSDP) should be analysed as the institutionalization of a system of security governance. Although governance approaches carry the promise of a sophisticated, empirically grounded picture of CSDP, they have been criticized for their lack of attention to power. [Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Thym, DanielThe Intergovernmental Constitution of the EU’s Foreign, Security & Defence Executive // European Constitutional Law Review (2011) Vol. 7, No. 3, p. 453-480.
    European Union – Common Foreign and Security Policy – Changes with the abolition of the pillar structure by the Lisbon Treaty – Common Security and Defence Policy – Executive order of the EU – Between supranationalism and intergovernmentalism – The role of the High Representative – Joint political leadership – The European External Action Service as an administrative infrastructure – Constitutionalisation of foreign affairs. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO); ProQuest Research Library]
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  • Mendoza. Alan. European defence in the long run: can Europe play a leading role in a multipolar world? // European View (2010) Vol. 9, No. 2, p. 233-240.
    The global system is moving away from an order in which a Western state, most recently the US, is at the centre. Instead, the rise of China and India and other emerging economies, has caused a shift towards multipolarity. There is cause for concern as these new powers are not founded on the same values as those of Europe and the US.

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  • Contemporary European Security / edited by David J. Galbreath, Jocelyn Mawdsley, and Laura Chappell.-London ; New York, NY : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. – xvi, 216 p.

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  • Ágh, AttilaThe Bumpy Road of the ECE Region in the EU: Success and Failures in the First Fifteen Years // Journal of Comparative Politics (2020) vol. 13, no. 1,pp. 23-45.
    This paper analyses the Europeanization of the East-Central Europe in the first fifteen years of the EU membership in its three periods that corresponds to the three institutional cycles of the EU: (1) 2004-2009 (Barroso I. Commission), (2) 2009-2014 (Barroso II.  Commission) and (3) 2014-2019 (Juncker Commission). It main focus is the controversial process of the EU integration with its  positive and negative effects in the contrast of quantitative and qualitative catching up, based both on the official documents and research contribution. The paper deals first of all with the latest  period of the New World System emerging after the global crisis and triggering negative developments as the divergence of ECE from the EU mainstream developments and its transition to the authoritarian  rule. As a conclusion, in the incoming new institutional cycle (2019- 2024) the EU can overcome the stage of Fragmented Europe moving  to the stage of Cohesive Europe with a perspective to overcome the East-West Divide. (ProQuest)
     
  • Petrova, Irina; Delcour, LaureFrom principle to practice? The resilience–local ownership nexus in the EU Eastern Partnership policy // Journal Contemporary Security Policy (2020) vol. 41, no. 2, pp. 336-360
    By emphasizing concepts such as resilience and local ownership, recent updates in the EU's foreign policy strategy have marked a narrative turn and signaled a shift in EU external governance toward its neighborhood. This article has two aims. First, we unpack the EU's conceptual understanding of resilience and local ownership as reflected in its recent strategic documents. Second, we examine the implications of the EU's narrative turn on actual policy practices in Eastern Partnership countries. We highlight a gap between the EU's broad understanding of resilience and local ownership and the narrow operationalization of these concepts in the EU's eastern policy. The article shows that the EU continued relying on the previously established policy frameworks, according to which resilience develops through approximation with EU templates. This strong path dependence precluded any effective policy turn toward local ownership. (Taylor & Francis)
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  • Blockmans, StevenThe Eastern Partnership at 10: The road to hell is paved with good intentions // CEPS commentary (2019) 6. mai
     
  • Bosse, Giselle. Ten years of the Eastern Partnership: What role for the EU as a promoter of democracy? // European View (2019), vol. 18, no. 2, pp. 220–232.
    Since the launch of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) in 2009, the scope and content of democratic reforms has varied significantly across the six partner countries despite the EU’s increased interest in and commitment to differentiated bilateral relations. The quality of democracy in Ukraine continuously declined between 2010 and 2014, but has significantly improved since then. Armenia has long been considered a semi-autocratic state, but since its Velvet Revolution in 2018 the new government has embarked on promising democratic reforms. Moldova, a country once considered the front-runner of the EaP, has experienced democratic backsliding since 2014, while democratic reform progress in Georgia has slowed considerably. The autocratic regimes in Azerbaijan and Belarus have further consolidated their power, without showing signs of democratic change. The article outlines some of the key issues and developments pertaining to democratic reforms in each country and assesses the factors that explain the uneven progress in this area across the six EaP countries. (Sage)
  • Cenusa, Denis. EU policy on strenghtening resilience in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia // CEPS paper in liberty and security in Europe (2019) no. 2.
    The state capture and oligarchic control of political power and electoral processes in the associated countries of the Eastern Partnership – Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine – are acknowledged by EU institutions, civil society organisations and in public opinion. That inevitably puts pressure on the resilience of these three countries, in addition to Russia’s aggressive campaigns, carried out with or without the use of conventional weaponry. This policy brief looks at the EU’s actions to invest in and consolidate the rule of law, in the direction of stimulating internal resilience. It provides a range of arguments supporting the idea that the EU is not sufficiently tackling the oligarchic influences in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia. These are followed by timely recommendations for the EU institutions to remedy the situation. 
  • Crombois, Jean. The Eastern Partnership: Geopolitics and policy inertia // European View (2019) vol. 18, no. 1.
    On the eve of its tenth anniversary, the EU’s Eastern Partnership seems to be drifting towards placing greater emphasis on differentiation and stabilisation than on reforms. This contrasts with the transformative ambitions displayed by the EU when it launched this new initiative in 2009. These ambitions have produced mixed results and were partly abandoned in the 2015 European Neighbourhood Policy Review. Since then, policy inertia seems to have prevailed. This exposes the EU to the risk that its relations with its eastern partners will become increasingly geopoliticised. This might lead the EU to lower its transformative ambitions even further. And this, in turn, could throw into question a fundamental aspect of its foreign policy identity, the EU’s role as a transformative power. In other words, such a development might not only weaken the EU’s role in its eastern neighbourhood but also undermine the added value of its foreign policy. (Sage)
  • Neuman, Senka; Neuman, Marek. Reading the EU’s migration and security ‘crises’ through (South-)Eastern Europe // Journal of European Studies (2019) vol. 49, no. 3-4, pp. 374-393.
    This article addresses contemporary thinking about EU crises from the locations of South-East and Eastern Europe. It asks how the European migration and security ‘crises’ have unfolded in institutional structures, political and public discourses, and people’s everyday experiences in South-Eastern and Eastern Europe. The analysis challenges the treatment of European crises as ontologically given, and calls for the adoption of critical conceptual and analytical approaches that study these crises outside European dis/order binarism. It exposes European crises as a privileged and conservative designation that normalizes European multiplicity within the teleology of a linear and spatially bound EU institutional order. (Sage)
  • Putkaradze, Ramaz. Georgia in the European Union’s Eastern Partnership countries: historical aspects and challenges // Ecoforum (2019) vol. 8, no. 1.
    The Eastern Partnership is a joint initiative involving the EU, its Member States and six Eastern European Partners. The Eastern Partnership aims at deepening and strengthening relations between the EU, its member states and six of its eastern neighbor countries. Georgia is actively involved in the projects of Eastern Partnership countries. The work reviews indicators and peculiarities of social economic development of Eastern Partner Countries. These countries are actively trying to facilitate further integration into the Global Economy. The presented work has studied a number of topical issues including socio-economic development of Eastern Partner Countries, Cross Domestic Product (GDP) of member countries, Cross Domestic Productper capita, foreign trade of member states and trade with EU. There is a conclusion, that Georgia can be one of the most successful and advanced countries among Eastern Partners. However, Cross Domestic Product per capita in Georgia is significantly lower than in other countries of European Union. A significant indicator is an unemployment rate, which is much higher in Georgia than in the European countries. Without improving these two indicators, it is impossible to get full access to the EU as well as obtain a priority in this direction.
  • Redei, Lorinc ; Romanyshyn, Iulian. Non-Parliamentary Diplomacy: The European Parliament’s Diplomatic Mission to Ukraine // European Foreign Affairs Review (2019) vol. 24, no. 1, pp. 61–79
    While today we associate Ukraine with conflict and occupation, the period preceding the Maidan protests saw the European Union use a peaceful but peculiar diplomatic instrument to pressure the country’s leaders: shuttle diplomacy by an informal group called the Cox-Kwasniewski mission. /../ This article argues that this instance of the European Parliament (EP) participating in EU foreign policy nevertheless cannot be called parliamentary diplomacy. In fact, its limited successes stemmed from the deliberately unparliamentary characteristics of the mission. It was not a complement to a higher-level, executive-to-executive diplomatic initiative. It lacked transparency and accountability. And it did not rely on parliamentary procedures – or even parliamentarians at all. Rather, it is an example of the EP engaging in non-parliamentary diplomacy – an aspect of its influence and participation in EU foreign policy that is likely to increase in the near future. 
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  • Baltic Journal of European Studies (2018) vol. 8, no. 1 (24), whole issue focuses on Eastern Partnership, available in Digar.
  • Batora, Jozef ; Rieker, Pernille. EU-supported reforms in the EU neighbourhood as organized anarchies: the case of post-Maidan Ukraine // Journal of European Integration (2018) vol 40, no. 4, pp. 461-478
    How does the EU and its member states organize their support for reforms in the countries of the EU Neighbourhood? Building on organization theory research on reforms as sets of loosely coupled ‘garbage can’ processes, we conceptualize the ENP induced reform processes as an organized framework connecting the reform capacities of not only the EU institutions but also EU member-state governments. We apply this approach to Ukraine in the post-Maidan period. We focus on the interplay between EU-level reform capacities and the capacities of two member states highly active in Ukraine, namely Germany and Sweden. As this case illustrates, the current approach provides a complementary perspective to mainstream approaches to the study of the EU’s external governance as it offers partial explanations of how organizational processes may impact on the efficiency of reforms promoted by the EU and its member states in the neighbouring countries. (Taylor and Francis Online)
  • Blockmans, Steven ; Hriptievschi, Nadejda ; Panasiuk, Viacheslav ; Zguladze, EkaterineIntegrity on Trial: Judicial reform in Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova // CEPS Working Document (2018) no. 4
    Under the terms of their Association Agreements with the EU, Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova are expected to strengthen the independence of the judiciary, establish zero tolerance of corruption in the legal profession, and reform legislation regarding prosecutors, judges and lawyers. By taking a differentiated approach to improving relations with its neighbouring countries, the EU is keen to identify and build upon existing positive sources of resilience, as well as to track and respond to vulnerabilities with the mix of instruments and budgets at its disposal. In the case of Georgia, this raises the question of whether the radical overhaul of the Saakashvili-era reforms can withstand the corrosion of corruptive practices by narrowminded political and economic operators. In Ukraine, the challenge is how to prolong and channel the positive reform dynamic to firmly anchor institutional and procedural change in the justice sector. In Moldova, the issue is rather to insulate the pockets of successful reform while supporting drivers of change in their fight against illiberal forces. (CEPS)
  • Cadier, David. The Geopoliticisation of the EU’s Eastern Partnership // Geopolitics (2018) vol. 24, no. 1, pp. 71-99.
    Since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis in 2014, the idea that the EU and Russia are engaged in a geopolitical contest over their common neighbourhood and that the Eastern Partnership (EaP) is Brussels’ instrument in this context appears ‘common sense’. Yet, the reality of the EaP as a policy programme hardly corresponds to such representation, whether in its original purpose, actual content or effects on the ground. To unpack this discrepancy, this article presents a genealogy of what is conceptualised here as the geopoliticisation of the EaP, a notion set forth to designate the discursive construction of an issue as a geopolitical problem. While Russia’s actions in Ukraine certainly contributed to deepen and reinforce this dynamic, the article shows that the geopoliticisation of the EaP was neither merely exogenous nor simply reactive. It was also carried forward from within the European policy community by a discourse coalition which, based on its own political subjectivities and policy agenda, came to frame the EaP as an endeavour aimed at ‘winning over’ countries of the Eastern neighbourhood and ‘rolling back’ Russia’s influence. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Casier, Tom. The different faces of power in European Union–Russia relations // Cooperation and Conflict (2018) vol. 53, no. 1, pp. 101–117.
    This article applies Barnett and Duvall’s taxonomy of power to European Union (EU)–Russia relations aiming to understand power in its complexity and without a priori theoretical assumptions. Four different types of power – compulsory, institutional, structural and productive – feature simultaneously. It is argued that non-compulsory forms of power are key to understanding the logic of competition in EU–Russia relations in the decade preceding the 2014 Ukraine crisis, despite receiving limited scholarly attention. First, a struggle over institutional power, the capacity to control the conditions of the other actor indirectly, appeared from rivalling integration projects and competing norm diffusion. Secondly, power relations were strongly characterised by constitutive forms of power – structural and productive – in particular the capacity to produce and recognise identities, such as Europeanness. In both fields, the EU held a hegemonic position, which Russia increasingly challenged. The geopolitical reading of the change in regime in Ukraine in 2014 prompted Moscow to a radical change of strategy, by shifting the emphasis in the confrontation to compulsory power. Attempts at direct control, from annexation to sanctions, now dominate relations. Where Russia seeks to prevent the Euro-Atlantic community from gaining effective control over Ukraine through destabilisation, this can be labelled ‘negative’ compulsory power. (SAGE Journals)
  • Emerson, Michael ; Noutcheva, Gergana. Political and Economic Governance in the Balkans and Eastern Europe Compared // CEPS Working Document (2018) no. 6
    This paper seeks to compare the quality of governance of the non-EU member states of the Western Balkans and certain states of Eastern Europe, namely Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, which share Association Agreements with the EU. Both groups of states aspire to full membership of the EU. While the EU differentiates between the two groups, acknowledging the ‘European perspectives’ (i.e. future EU membership) of the former but not of the latter, the commitments to achieve EU political and economic standards and to adopt or approximate to EU law and policies made by both groups are similar. This makes comparisons between the two groups both feasible and politically significant. … (CEPS)
  • European Foreign Affairs Review (2018) vol. 23, special issue, whole issue focuses on Eastern Partnership, available in Kluwer Online’s.
  • Gesa Kübek. The Non-Ratification Scenario: Legal and Practical Responses to Mixed Treaty Rejection by Member // European Foreign Affairs Review (2018) vol. 23, no. 1, pp. 21–40.
    The near-death of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement and Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) painfully illustrated that the conclusion mixed agreements, i.e. agreements that list the EU, its Member States and a third party as contractors, may be derailed by a negative vote of (sub-)national decision-makers. Such a non-ratification entails a problematic conundrum: Despite the requirement for national ratification under international law, a Member State violates the EU’s legal principles of conferral and loyal cooperation when vetoing a mixed treaty in its entirety. The present article argues that the Member States are not competent to reject the EU exclusive parts of a mixed treaty in their own right. It suggests that the EU’s and the Member States’ legal authority to ratify mixed agreements is contingent on who owns and who exercises treaty-making power for substantive components and outlines several practical ways to align national (non-)ratification with the EU’s law on competences and procedure.
  • Harpaz, Guy. The European Union’s Conflict-Resolution Policy in Georgia: The Way Forward // European Foreign Affairs Review (2018) vol. 23, no. 2, pp. 243-263.
    The efforts invested by the EU to assist the resolution of the disputes over the breakaway republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia are long-standing and multifaceted. Yet, a dissonance exists between the EU’s strong interest in the resolution of these conflicts, its firm commitment and its long-standing engagement to promoting such resolution, and its actual, ineffective contribution to achieving that goal. Drawing on scholarship that analyses the factors that erode the effectiveness of the EU’s contribution to conflict resolution in Georgia, this article seeks to identify and analyse various strategies and considerations that could render the EU’s conflict resolution efforts more effective. These strategies and considerations will be classified into those pertaining to Georgia’s political establishment, Georgia’s civil society, Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and Russia, and will be linked to two broader themes, namely EU enlargement and the EU’s commitment to strict observance of international law. The analysis conducted in this article including its conclusions relies upon literature on comparative conflict resolution.
  • Ikani, Nikki. Change and Continuity in the European Neighbourhood Policy: The Ukraine Crisis as a Critical Juncture // Geopolitics (2018)
    The Ukraine crisis presented a severe geopolitical challenge to European Union (EU) policies in the neighbourhood. This is because during the course of the crisis, Russia openly challenged the EU’s economic and political integration initiatives in the region using economic, informational and eventually military means. As such, the crisis and its escalation has had ramifications across the EU in the fields of security, trade, energy security and regional cooperation. In the wake of the crisis, a clear rhetorical break with previous EU policy was announced by various key actors to respond to these challenges. Yet both the rhetoric and declared ambition for reform in response to the events is not matched by a major revision of actual policy objectives or policy tools. The question at the core of this article is how to explain the changes made to the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) following the Ukraine crisis. In order to provide an answer this article will build on historical institutionalism, exploring how two key historical institutionalist insights improve our understanding of the policy changes made to the ENP after the Ukraine crisis: (i) the institutional ‘effects’ and plasticity of the ENP institutions and (ii) temporal contingency. In doing so, this article takes issue with two tendencies in the current literature on policy change in the ENP. First, the lack of analytical engagement with the very notion of policy change, which throughout the literature is rarely defined or conceptualized. Second, the prevailing assumption that one should not be surprised that in the case of ENP reform after the Ukraine crisis there has been little change, due to the prevalence of policy inertia. It is argued that this oversimplifies both policy continuity and policy change. By paying particular attention to the decision-making process preceding change, this article thus aims to shed new light on the issue of EU foreign policy change. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Makarychev, Andrey. Incomplete Hegemonies, Hybrid Neighbours: Identity games and policy tools in Eastern Partnership countries // CEPS Working document (2018) no. 2
    This paper applies the concepts of hegemony and hybridity as analytical tools to help understand the structural changes taking place within the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries and beyond. The author points to the split identities of many post-Soviet societies and the growing appeal of solutions aimed at balancing Russia’s or the EU’s dominance as important factors shaping EaP dynamics. Against this background, he explores how the post-Soviet borderlands can find their place in a still hypothetical pan-European space, and free themselves from the tensions of their competing hegemons. The EaP is divided into those countries that signed Association Agreements with the EU and those preferring to maintain their loyalty to Eurasian integration. Bringing the two groups closer together, however, is not beyond policy imagination. (CEPS)
  • Panchuk, Dmytro ; Bossuyt, Fabienne. The EU Twinning Instrument in Ukraine: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats // CEPS Policy Brief (2018) no. 2
    With the aid of a SWOT analysis (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats), this paper evaluates the implementation of the EU’s Twinning instrument in Ukraine since 2007.The authors draw upon 50 interviews they conducted with Twinning stakeholders from the EU, EU member states, Ukraine and other EaP countries. They argue that the Twinning instrument in Ukraine, while offering distinct strengths and opportunities, has punched below its weight due to systemic weaknesses in its internal set-up and a number of threats emanating from the domestic situation in Ukraine and the EU itself. The authors offer policy recommendations aimed at improving the effectiveness of the instrument in Ukraine and the greater EaP region through enhanced flexibility, more targeted interventions, stronger individual and sectoral incentives and greater visibility. They also review the European Commission’s new Twinning guidelines, which came into effect in July 2017, and reflect on how they address the issues raised in the analysis. (CEPS)
  • Shyrokykh, Karina. Policy-specific effects of transgovernmental cooperation: a statistical assessment across the EU’s post-Soviet neighbours // Journal of European Public Policy (2019) vol. 26, no. 1, pp. 149-168.
    Can transgovernmental networks facilitate democratization in third countries? If so, to what extent and under what conditions can they impact states’ behaviour? Earlier works demonstrate that transgovernmental professional networks set by the European Union can shape attitudes of officials towards democracy in third countries. However, it remains unclear whether they change their behaviour, too; nor do we have an understanding of how long these changes last. Using the time-series cross-sectional analysis and focusing on two policy fields, human rights and public administration in the former Soviet republics, this article demonstrates that transgovernmental networks can stimulate improvements in domestic practices in third countries. At the same time, the results hint that their effects are policy-specific and rather short-lived. (Taylor & Francis Online)
  • Volintiru, Clara ; Volintiru, Mihai; Mușetescu, Radu. Promoting Ethical Behaviour in the Eastern Partnership Countries // EUROPOLITY, vol. 12, no. 2, pp. 151-178.
    The Eastern Partnership region is currently going through a process of institutional formation and consolidation in which promoting public ethics can play a major role in the legitimacy of its administration and attracting foreign investors. Through various datasets, we explore here the level of corruption in the region, as well as the measures that could be employed to counter it. The first section aims at assembling the conceptual references of corruption. Secondly, the analysis turns to the manifestation forms and the assessment of the extent of the phenomenon. Finally, this paper looks at the potential remedies. In this section,  EUROPOLITY, vol. 12, no. 2, 2018 152 Continuity and Change in European Governance the paper also deals with some of the anti-corruption approaches, as we assess preventive and corrective measures, and discuss the potential contribution of adopting international benchmarks of ethical behaviour in the public sector, such as the ISO 37001 Anti-bribery Management Systems. (DOAJ)
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  • Jitaru, Loredana. The Implications of the Civil Society in the Eastern Partnership // CES Working Papers (2017) vol. 19, no. 1, pp. 10-27.
    The Eastern Partnership (EaP) launched in 2009 as the Eastern dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy introduced the civil society as a new strategic actor in the EU’s relations with Eastern Partnership countries. The civil society‟s role is to participate in policy making, to suggest new initiatives and to promote shared values of partnership, such as: democracy, promoting better governance, state law, sustainable development, respect for human rights and for the fundamental freedoms. The paper is divided into two parts. In the first part, we analyse the role of the civil society in the EaP and we ask whether the increasing role of the civil society in the EaP will lead to the success of this project. In the second part, we analyse the perceptions and the attitudes of civil society towards European integration. (ProQuest)
  • Konończuk, Wojciech ; Cenusa, Denis ; Kakachia, Kornely. Oligarchs in Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia as key obstacles to reforms // 3 DCFTAs. Understanding the EU’s Association Agreements and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas with Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia (2017) 24 May
    The paper reviews the role of oligarchs in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. Oligarchy can be briefly defined as a system of governance in which a small and informal group of people, using their vast economic and financial resources, is able to control a state or exert a major or dominant influence on its policy. The portfolios of economic assets of the major oligarchs of the three countries is described in some detail. The nature of their influence on policy making is further analysed, in particular the disadvantages for the governance of these countries. While these impacts differ in their detail by country, in general terms they tend towards limiting political pluralism, capturing state institutions, corruption, monopolisation, and more broadly the blocking of reform processes. Oligarchs are symptoms rather than causes of weak political institutions. The remedies correspondingly need a wide reach, including institutional capacity building, effective anti-corruption bodies, suitable public funding for political parties, effective competition policy, independence of the judiciary and of the media, supported by many features of the Association Agreements and DCFTAs with the EU. Modern economies will always need major business leaders and enterprises. The challenge is precisely to bring the oligarchs into becoming normal business leaders.
  • Kostanyan, Hrant. Assessing European Neighbourhood Policy : perspectives from literature // Centre for European Policy Studies (2017) (CEPS)
  • Kostanyan, Hrant. The Fifth Eastern Partnership Summit: Between hyperbole and understatement // CEPS commentary (2017) 8 November (CEPS)
  • Nodia, Ghia. Democracy and its Deficits: The path towards becoming European-style democracies in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine // CEPS Working Document (2017) no. 12
    Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine are three participating states of the European Partnership that have chosento conclude Association Agreements with the European Union, often at the expense of relations with theirmost powerful neighbour, Russia. They are also rather similar in their levels of democratic development.Within a post-Soviet space, they stand out for their relatively high level of democratic freedoms and politicalpluralism; none of them, however, can be considered a consolidated democracy, and most analysts describethem as uncertain or hybrid political regimes that combine features of autocracy and democracy. (CEPS)
  • O´Hanlon, Michael. NATO’s Limits: A New Security Architecture for Eastern Europe // Survival : Global Politics and Strategy (2017) vol. 59, no. 5, pp. 7-24.
  • Okhrimenko, Oksana ; Okhrimenko, Alexander. Will the Eastern Partnership become a driver for agriculture? // CES Working Papers (2017) vol. 19, no. 1, pp. 39-57.
    This article is devoted to the impact of the Eastern Partnership on agricultural production of the member states. ENPARD basic parameters are examined. The residís of agricultural development of the states participating in ENPARD and states preparing to join the project was monitored. The Eastern partnership is based on a deep and comprehensive free trade area (DCFTA), economic integration and convergence with EU policies, energy security, human contacts etc. The absolute and relative indicators of agricultural development of the Eastern Partnership countries are analysed. The general and individual problems of the countries are studied. The analysis showed an unequal economic potential for agricultural development. It was noted that the strategic partnership involves interstate cooperation to achieve mutually beneficial internal and external goals. (ProQuest)
  • Patalakh, Artem. EU Soft Power in the Eastern Neighbourhood and the Western Balkans in the Context of Crises // Baltic Journal of European Studies (2017), vol 7, no. 2 (23), pp. 148-167.
    The article aims to assess a change in the EU’s soft power in the Western Balkan and Eastern Partnership states in the light of the crises the bloc has undergone in recent years. Generally agreeing with the common argument that the EU’s attractiveness for those countries has decreased, the author challenges the popular wisdom that such a decrease is likely to reverse those states’ pro-EU foreign policy orientations. To prove it, the author applies Joseph Nye’s and Alexander Vuving’s “power currencies” approach to operationalize soft power, considering the bloc’s attraction as a combination of “brilliance” (the actor’s relationship with its work), “benignity” (the actor’s relationship with other actors) and “beauty” (the actor’s relationship with values and ideas). Elaborating on the crises’ influence on each of these currencies, the author shows that their lessening, first, has mainly taken place in absolute rather than relative terms, so the EU’s attractiveness remains strong compared to that of its competitors, and second, it has primarily affected the bloc’s soft power potential rather than its actual behavior towards the target countries. (DOAJ)
  • Raiciu, Ioana. Summing up the Eastern Partnership // Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai. Studia Europaea (2017) vol. 62, no. 1, pp. 89-104.
    The paper offers an overview of the evolution of the Eastern‐Partnership, viewed from the main conclusions of each Summit dedicated to the EaP. I tried to analyse separately each summit, and the evolution of political discourse is significant. If in 2009 they spoke in Prague about an ambitious project, which encouraged good governance and development of new economic partnerships, the last summit at Riga in 2015, drew a real alarm on the worrying developments around Romania. The Eastern Partnership was intended to provide within the EU a tangible support and comprehensive democratic transformation, and an oriented market. (ProQuest)
  • Zajaczkowski, Małgorzata. Regional cooperation within the Eastern Partnership // European Integration Studies 11/2017.
    The aim of the paper is to present and analyze the problem of cooperation between the Eastern partners of the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). The problem is that current regional cooperation is insufficient and superficial what makes common arrangements impossible to attain. It resulted from weak economic relations and low level of interdependence among the Eastern partners. Moreover the biggest obstacles are looming interstate or local political or military conflicts in the Eastern Europe and Southern Caucasus which have been dominating political and economic scenes of that regions since the changes of the 1990. The paper’s aim is to examine difficulties that prevent the countries from engaging in wider economic cooperation and find areas for development of new regional initiatives. Major question is whether the ENP has contributed to enhancing of cooperation among the Eastern partners? The answer is twofold. On the one hand the EU’s initiative has brought about to establishing institutional and financial framework for developing regional initiatives and on the other, the lack of stable economic and political relations and unresolved conflicts have prevent the Eastern neighbors from engaging in genuine cooperation. (EBSCOhost)
  • Thoburn, Hannah. Policy Brief: Border Security in Eastern Europe: Lessons for NATO and Partners // The German Marshall Fund of the United States. Europe Program (2017) no. 046
    The geopolitical dynamics in Europe are changing. Countries such as Georgia, Ukraine, and Moldova have undergone significant transformation processes since the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, history’s aftermath continues to influence these states. The relatively young borders in Eastern Europe have been the stage of protracted conflicts. An often insufficient border control causes an influx in corruption, human and substances trafficking, as well as mistrust toward established democratic institutions.
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  • Alexandrova-Arbatova, Nadia. Geopolitical challenges for the post-bipolar Europe // Eastern Journal of European Studies (2016), vol. 7, no.2, pp. 31-46.
    In the context of the crisis in Ukraine and over Ukraine that has brought the Russia-West relations to a breaking point for the first time since the end of the East-West confrontation, it comes as no surprise that people are now asking themselves if we are heading towards a new Cold War. The Ukrainian crisis is viewed as the first direct conflict between differing regional strategies of Russia and the EU – Brussels’ Eastern partnership and Moscow’s Eurasia Union concept. Ukraine has been central to both strategies, and “the either/or” choice presented to Kiev ultimately made a conflict inevitable. However, the reason for this confrontation goes much deeper than the clash of two opposing regional strategies and is rooted heavily in the 1990s. Therefore, the Ukrainian conflict should be viewed as the quintessence of the mutual disappointment of Russia and the West, resulted from their mistakes after the end of bipolarity.
  • Cucerescu, Vasile. EU cross-border Cooperation in Eastern Europe // Eurolimes (2016) vol. 21, pp. 109-127.
    The paper presents research results of the EU’s cross-border cooperation initiatives in the Eastern Europe, especially in the countries of Eastern Partnership. Considering the implementation history of cross-border cooperation projects, the European Union initiated, developed and follows up the policy of dialogue with its Eastern European neighbours in a short and long run. The focus strives at presenting the framework of cross-border cooperation of the European Union in the Eastern Europe, especially with the Eastern Partnership countries; the initiatives and good practices in the field. The results of EU cross-border cooperation in the Eastern Europe display differentiation of collaboration and development in peculiar aspects of common interest for participating countries. (ProQuest)
  • Falkowski, Krysztof ; Stryjek, Joanna. European Neighbourhood Policy and FDI: Eastern dimension // EURINT (2016) no. 3, pp. 188-209.
    The paper (1) analyses the volume, dynamics and structure of inward FDI flows to six transition economies in Eastern Europe, covered by the Eastern Partnership initiative under the EU’s European Neighbourhood Policy (i.e., Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine), and (2) explores the potential role played in these flows by factors related to the advancement of the countries’ transition process. The results of the study indicate that inward FDI flows varied greatly across the countries in question over the period 2004-2014, and depended mostly on (1) the countries’ progress in introducing market reforms, (2) their stability and the democratization of the political systems (having regard also to the geopolitical situation, both internal and external), and (3) general conditions for doing business in them.
  • Gorgos, Elena-Alexandra ; Vatamanescu, Elena- Madalina ; Andrei, Andreia Gabriela. Europeanization through students’ lens: EU versus EaP citizens. Is there a collective identity? // Eastern Journal of European Studies (2016) vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 185-206.
    The process of Europeanization has been intensively discussed and participation in debates has been vigorously tested by the academic world, mostly concerned with examining political personalities. This process is often seen through a political and economic view, ignoring the spiritual part pointing to a collective identity rationale. Hereby, our interest consists of finding how this concept is perceived through students’ lens. We aim at investigating students’ opinions, revealing young citizens’ points of view. The conducted research is qualitative, consisting of in-depth interviews, for discovering participants’ standpoints and attitudes towards admitting European bonds and becoming Europeans not just as frame, but in a substantial way, from the perspective of belongingness to a European Union (EU) member state or to an Eastern Partnership (EaP) member state. As the findings show, the bond with the European Union is seen through a political and cultural approach. Students’ understanding of the Europeanization process is varied, and so are their endeavours of spreading the importance to adhere to the European Union and to share the European spirit among students belonging to EaP states.
  • Grigoryan, Ani. Armenia and EU: Security agenda as a fresh start for engagement // CES Working Papers (2016) vo. 8, no. 4, pp. 648-665.
    EU Eastern Partnership has gone through a number of difficulties and impediments since its establishment. In the case of Georgia and Moldova we have observed some progress, however in all other cases there is a certain setback. The political spectrum of Armenia was narrowed after September 3, 2013. In mid-January 2016 president Sargsyan held a meeting with EU ambassador in Armenia where he particularly mentioned that EU engagement is a top priority for Armenia (Armenpress, 2016) thus demonstrating that attitudes by both sides towards further engagement have undergone transformations. In the context of current geopolitical developments, the security sector could serve as a platform for Armenia and EU to foster collaboration. Thus, the main goal of the research paper is to seek avenues for approximation in the area of security and hence provide both parties with a deeper understanding of mutual objectives and visions. (ProQuest)
  • Grigoryan, Armen. The attitudes towards European integration in Eastern Partnership states: the significance of elites’ commitment for further engagement // EURINT (2016) no. 3, pp. 131-148.
    The paper examines how the cooperation with the EU has been influencing public sector, legal and economic reforms in EU’s Eastern neighbourhood by means of engaging the local political elites. The developments in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, as well as the situation in Armenia, regarding the perspective for its further participation in the Eastern Partnership (EaP), are reviewed. In order to determine under which conditions the EU can have more influence over the political elites, the paper examines how the degree of commitment to the European norms and, consequently, the pace of reforms, depend on internal political situation and foreign policy priorities, on historical and cultural legacies, or the level of dependence on Russia.
  • Lobanov, Nikita. European Union strategic narrative towards the Eastern Partnership countries and the Russian Federation’s escalation: stop, slow or go? // EURINT (2016) no. 3, pp. 9-26.
    The narrative dimension of the EaP programme was considered by the European policy makers of secondary relevance as it was focused on the bureaucratic aspects of the economic and judicial convergence of the target countries with the European Union through “regulation setting”. The importance of these aspects has clearly increased after the Russian Federation used hybrid war tactics in Ukraine since 2013 based on a fabricated Strategic Narrative that relied on the “Reflexive Control” and “Informational Warfare” principles to a great effect. The growingly opposing information spheres, the Russian and the European, have an enormous importance for the political discourse in the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries. By drawing on a closer examination of a number of primary and secondary sources – including important events, official texts, and excerpts from interviews – this paper aims at comprehending the formation, projection and reception in the EaP states of the Strategic Narratives of the Russian Federation and the European Union since 2013.
  • Longhurst, Kerry. Implementing the DCFTA in the context of state capture: assessing the position of Small and Medium Enterprises // Eastern Journal of European Studies (2016) vol.7, no. 2, pp. 145-164.
    The implementation of the DCFTA in the Republic of Moldova is an ongoing process, its ultimate objective being the modernisation of the Moldovan economy, broad prosperity and the creation of an open society. By using conditionality, the EU is banking on public and private actors aligning to European norms and practices. This article focuses on the position of SMEs and their interactions with the DCFTA. The overall argument posited is that the condition of ‘state capture’, twinned with a disadvantageous business climate serve as structural impediments to the full implementation of the DCFTA and to the capacity of the SME sector to benefit.
  • Mendelski, Martin. The EU’s rule of law promotion in post-Soviet Europe: what explains the divergence between Baltic States and EaP countries? // Eastern Journal of European Studies (2016), vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 111-144.
    The European Union (EU) and domestic “change agents” have promoted the rule of law in post-Soviet Europe with varying results. While the Baltic States (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania) succeeded in establishing the rule of law, Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries (Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia) did not. Why did EU-driven legal, judicial and anti-corruption reforms not produce the rule of law in the latter group? I argue that divided elites (reformers) in laggard EaP countries engage in detrimental political competition that creates incentives to misuse the law, the prosecution and judicial structures as “political weapons”. The result of this power struggle is an erratic reform process which produces reform pathologies of Europeanization (e.g. legal instability and incoherence, reinforced fragmentation and politicization) that undermine the rule of law. Instead of serving as an external check on rule-of-law abusing reformers, the EU empowers reformist but unaccountable “change agents” in a partisan way, thus creating incentives for the accumulation and abuse of power, especially after regime changes. Reformers in the advanced Baltic States have avoided detrimental political competition, the fragmentation of the state and many reform pitfalls through de facto exclusion of ethnic Russians from the political and judicial system. This policy of partial exclusion allowed elites in Estonia and Latvia to build consensus, to create a unitary state, including strong, unified and independent horizontal accountability structures (e.g. judiciary, Ombudsman, Constitutional Court etc.) which in turn were able to check the executive. The argument is supported by an empirical, indicator-based analysis of the rule of law and several interviews with representatives in Brussels, Strasbourg and Chisinau.
  • Morari, Cristina. EU role in the Republic of Moldova European integration within Eastern Partnership // CES Working Papers (2016) vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 410-425.
    The article presents an analysis of the role of European Union in the European integration process of the Republic of Moldova in the context of Eastern Partnership and it was supported by a Marie Curie International Research Staff Exchange Scheme Fellowship within the 7th European Community Framework Programme. The European integration of the Republic of Moldova is a complex process that implies external and internal efforts, but internal transformations generated by this process are determined primarily by the EU initiatives. This fact is based on both, the necessity of the Republic to correspond to European norms and the EU interest to have reliable and stable partners from economic and political point of view. The Association Agreement, DCFTA, visa liberalization are main bonuses that Moldova has received from EU within Eastern Partnership. At current stage, EU continues to play an important role in domestic transformation and stabilization of the country, by providing assistance and consultation. The interdisciplinary approach and methods as analysis of official documents, comparison and observation gave the possibility to estimate the level and results of how EU establishes and influences both, the agenda of European integration and domestic transformations of the Republic of Moldova. (ProQuest) 
  • Naumescu, Valentin. The “New Eastern Europe”: Between the Deepening Crisis of the European Union and the Growing Tensions with Russia // Romanian Journal of Society and Politics (2016) vol. 11, no. 2, pp. 75-91.
    The concept of “Eastern Europe” was always ideologically, politically, strategically or even culturally defined, while pure geography was down on the list of criteria. We therefore consider Eastern Europe a geopolitical idea on a dynamic mental map rather than a geographic reality. In the past three decades, Eastern Europe had at least three meanings, from the former “socialist bloc”, then “East Central European post-communist countries”, to the present member states of the “EU’s Eastern Neighbourhood” or Eastern Partnership (EaP). None of the countries of the pre-1989 Eastern Europe is still in this category, all being “transferred” to Central Europe, while the “new Eastern Europe” currently consists of six post-Soviet republics, from Belarus in the north to Azerbaijan in the south. This paper analyses the geopolitical context of the new Eastern Europe after the launch of the EaP, focusing on Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova, caught between the crisis of the EU, their own vulnerabilities and a more threatening Russian Federation.
  • Petriashvili, Sophia. The influence of the refugee crisis on the EU’s perspective of Eastern Partnership // CES Working Papers (2016) vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 426-442.
    Given paper represents analytical overview unpacking the relationship between the refugee crisis and the EU’s perspective towards the Eastern Partnership countries. It reviews the journey of the creation and development of the EaP policy by paying a special attention to the changes reflected in the Joint Declaration of the Riga Summit participants. The paper also analyses the revision in the EU’s Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) as well as tries to explore the intra-Union dynamics happening as a result of the huge influx of the refugees to Europe. Special attention is also paid to Russia’s possible influence on the refugee crisis (considering its engagement in the Syria crisis and Assad’s backing) on the one hand and EU’s position vis a vis the EaP countries on the other. A key trend is identified that within the current challenging context the EU is less proactive and more cautious when it comes to its partnership with the EaP countries. (ProQuest)
  • Pop, Adrian. From cooperation to confrontation: the impact of bilateral perceptions and interactions on the EU-Russia relations in the context of shared neighbourhood // Eastern Journal of European Studies (2016) vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 47-70.
    Relying on the regional security complex theory and statements made by top Russian and EU officials and key decision-makers from the new EU Member States bordering Russia to the East, the article advances three main conclusions. First, that Russia’s negative perceptions of the EU’s Eastern Partnership initiative explains to a large extent the change of its EU’s perception from a strategic ally to a competitor for influence in the shared neighbourhood and the speeding up of the Russian-led Eurasian integration project. Second, that faced with Russia’s increasing bullying behaviour in its Eastern neighbourhood in general and Ukraine in particular, the EU has been pushed into a confrontational mode with Russia. Third, that being at the forefront of condemning Russia’s aggressive behaviour in Ukraine, the new EU Member States along the Baltic-Black Sea limes have created a new regional security subcomplex within the EU-Europe regional security complex.
  • Popescu, Ada-Iuliana. Political process drivers of corruption in Eastern Europe // CES Working Papers (2016) vol. 8, no. 4, pp. 705-715.
    Corruption stands as one of the many obstacles to the political and economic security of the Eastern European region. Thus, despite the political and economic instability in the region, Eastern European countries, in and outside of the European Union need to fight corruption collectively and individually. The task is difficult, but hope is justified because the causes of corruption in this part of the region are similar and anti-corruption expertise is available. We believe that a deeper analysis of corruption ‘s drivers can produce a better articulated and more efficient anti-corruption strategy. This strategy will create an anti-corruption infrastructure that will strengthen the Eastern European Partnership. As a prelude to the deeper analysis that we believe must be a part of this strategy, this paper identifies the main drivers of corruption in the Eastern European Partnership countries and explains why addressing these drivers will strengthen the Eastern European Partnership. (ProQuest)
  • Sandu, Ioana ; Dragan, Gabriela. Financing the EU Neighbourhood – key facts and figures for the Eastern Partnership // CES Working Papers (2016) vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 464-472.
    The EU is permanently trying to secure its proximity by creating a “ring of friends” in the neighbourhood. Thus, stabilization through economic integration and modernization have been the purpose of the European Neighbourhood Policy (the ENP) since its creation, in 2004. Successive reviews of the ENP in the past decade have aimed to customize support to different needs of the partners. Funding has been allocated according to the level of commitment to reform of the EU neighbours. The six small states of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) have benefitted not only from common ENP provisions, but also from specific instruments dedicated to their particular situation. Bilateral and multi-country programmes included in the European Neighbourhood Instrument (ENI), but also instruments from other EU policies and support from the International Financial Institutions (IFI) have helped the EaP members to achieve progress in EU approximation.
  • Sharipov, Ilkhom. Economic growth in the EU’s EaP countries: determinants and prospects // EURINT (2016) no. 3, pp. 169-187.
    Economic growth is one of the main targets of economic policy of any country around the world. By strengthening the process of economic development, we can bring the state on the path of sustainable growth and ensure stability and security in it. Economic growth is influenced by various determinants. Of particular interest is the endogenous and exogenous nature of these factors. The main purpose of this paper is to determine the endogenous and exogenous factors that affected economic growth in the EU’s Eastern Partnership countries in the 2000-2015 period. We examined and determined the significance and robustness of various endogenous and exogenous factors influencing the economic growth in these countries, like investment, human capital, research and development, economic policies and macroeconomic conditions, openness to trade, geography, political factors and others. Based on the results of research, we outlined the prospects of economic growth in the countries investigated. To address the research questions and objectives this study was based on quantitative and qualitative research methods, using SPSS software.
  • Zheltovskyy, Vadym. The Eastern Partnership and its impact on self-governing reform in Ukraine // CES Working Papers (2016) vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 550-571.
    Article poses a question on the effectiveness of the European policy for Eastern Partnership in Ukraine under current circumstances of political and military crisis. Particularly, the role of Poland as a key country for the success of given policy in Ukraine is taken into consideration with the emphasis on Polish-Ukrainian cooperation on the issue of self-governance reform in Ukraine. The aim of the article is threefold. First, to analyse the main trends of EU-Ukraine cooperation in terms of the EaP policy. Second, to present author’s research on the role of different political and social actors from Poland and Ukraine (local authorities, non-governmental organizations, Academia) in implementation of European experience on self-governance reform and decentralization processes on Ukrainian ground. Finally, the article makes an attempt to evaluate the EU strategy in regard to Ukraine and present possible ways for further cooperation as regards the reform of self-governance in Ukraine. (ProQuest)
  • Terxyan, Aram. The evolution of the European Union’s conception in the foreign policy discourse of Armenia: implications for U-turn and the path beyond the Association Agreement // Eastern Journal of European Studies (2016) vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 165-184.
    The question of why Armenia abruptly shifted from the Association Agreement (AA) with the European Union (EU) to the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EEA) has produced perplexing conclusions. Drawing on discourse analysis and semi-structured interviews, this study seeks to explain the evolution of the EU’s conception in foreign policy discourse of Armenia, delving into its implications for U-turn and the prospects of EU-Armenia further partnership. Departing from mainstream explanations, it argues that Armenia’s U-turn was preceded by marked disillusionment with the ‘expectation – capability’ gaps attributed to the Eastern Partnership (EaP). This has significantly influenced the EU’s conception in Armenia’s official discourse, shifting it from the notions of ‘normative’, ‘liberal’ and ‘status quo challenging’ power to ‘pragmatic’ actor and ‘political dwarf’. The paper concludes that a major breakthrough in bilateral ‘edited’ partnership cannot be expected anytime soon due to Armenia’s large – scale Eurasian integration and lower security expectations from the EU.
  • Valiyeva, Kamala. The EU’s Eastern Partnership: Normative or Geopolitical Power Projection? // Eastern Journal of European Studies (2016) vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 11-29.
    This paper examines the European Union’s Eastern Partnership (EaP) initiative through the lens of theoretical debate between constructivist and rationalist approaches with a specific focus on the normative and geopolitical dimensions of the EU’s power projection in a specific region. In doing so the paper aims to determine whether the initiative is a pursuit of the EU’s interests in the post-Soviet area and an attempt to weaken Russia’s traditional great power potential in the region or a policy to enhance regional stability through the promotion of fundamental European values which serves as a framework for democratic institution-building in partner countries. This paper argues that the EU’s ambivalent actorness in this particular post-Soviet region, which is shaped both by value considerations and self-interest concerns, while lacking a strategic coherence, constitutes a fundamental reason behind a policy failure.
akkordionipikktekst
  • Ciolan, Ionela Maria. Security in Central Eastern Europe: Eastern Partneship Looking Towards Riga Summit // Europolity: Continuity and Change in European Governance (2015) vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 31-44.
    The aftermath of the Vilnius Summit raised many questions regarding the effectiveness of the European foreign policy in the Eastern partnership countries. The previous incidents show the imperious need of a security dimension for the Eastern Partnership. A new European security system is required to offer better solutions to a region that struggles with the annexation of Crimea, violent conflicts in the Donbas area in Eastern Ukraine, the 2008 Georgian-Russian war and the five frozen conflicts at the Eastern frontier of the EU. In this paper, I will present from a macro-level analysis the main transformations and challenges of the Eastern Partnership after the Vilnius Summit until the Riga Summit2, elaborate on the expectations from the upcoming Riga Summit and its importance in the actual context and offer some insights in the main reasons why controlling the Eastern neighbourhood is important for both European and Russian security.
  • Eastern Partnership after Riga: rethink, reforms, resilience // European Council on Foreign Relations. Riga Series (2015) 19. mai
    Six experts from Eastern Partnership countries, from Armenia to Ukraine, give their views on the successes and shortcomings of EaP policies. This collection is part of ECFR’s Riga papers, a series of papers on the impact, future and possible reforms of the EaP, published ahead of the Eastern Partnership summit in Riga.
     
  • EDFR Riga SeriesViews from EaP countries // European Council on Foreign Relations (2015)

    Six experts from Eastern Partnership countries, from Armenia to Ukraine, give their views on the successes and shortcomings of EaP policies. This collection is part of ECFR’s Riga papers, a series of papers on the impact, future and possible reforms of the EaP, published ahead of the Eastern Partnership summit in Riga.
  • EDFR Riga Series. Views from the EU countries // European Council on Foreign Relations (2015)

    Eight experts from countries that played a key role in shaping the Eastern Partnership in the EU discuss how the concepts and policies of EaP are viewed in their countries. This collection is part of ECFR’s Riga papers, a series of papers on the impact, future and possible reforms of the EaP, published ahead of the Eastern Partnership summit in Riga.
     
  • Kostanyan, HrantThe Eastern Partnership after Riga: Review and Reconfirm // CEPS Commentary (2015) 29. mai
    The Riga Summit of 21-22 May reaffirmed the EU’s commitment to the Eastern Partnership, underlined further differentiation between the neighbours and reiterated the importance of people-to-people contacts, finds Hrant Kostanyan in this CEPS Commentary. All in all, however, the Summit was more of a stocktaking exercise than a momentous redefinition of relations with the EU at a time of precarious geopolitics in the east. Politically, it is important now for the EU to defend what it already offered to the eastern neighbours and reconfirm the Eastern Partnership as a defining feature of its foreign policy and fundamental to the EU’s larger Security Strategy review.
  • Khylko, OlenaRiga Summit : Implications for the Eastern Parnership // Policy Brief. East European Security Research Initiative (2015) mai.

    The Riga Eastern Partnership summit was held against the backdrop of traditionally high expectations, and consequently – certain disappointments. This piece analyses the relevancy of the eastern neighbors’ expectations; the validity of skeptical estimations of the summit results; and the implications of summit outcomes for the future of the Eastern Partnership that faces a number of challenges.
     
  • Martyn-Hemphill, RichardEastern Partnership Still On Life Support After Riga Summit // The Baltic Times (2015) 4. juuni – 1. juuli, pp. 1-3.
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  • Belkin, Paul ; Mix, Derek E. ; Woehrel, StevenNATO: Response to the Crisis in Ukraine and Security Concerns in Central and Eastern Europe // Congressional Research Sevice (2014) 31. juuli
  • Emerson, Michael. After the Vilnius fiasco: Who is to blame? What is to be done? // CEPS Essay (2014) No. 8
    All three parties principally responsible for the Vilnius fiasco are to blame, each in their very different way: the EU for having drafted agreements with an inadequate balance between incentives and obligations, and vulnerable as a result to Putin’s aim to torpedo the whole process in favour of his misconceived Eurasian Union, while Yanukovich tried playing geo-political games that left him personally and the Ukrainian state as Putin’s hostage. It will require a major recalibration of policies to get this unstable new status quo back onto sound strategic lines, and proposals are advanced along three tracks in parallel: for rebuilding the remnants of the EU’s neighbourhood policy, for attempting to get Russia to take Lisbon to Vladivostok seriously, and for promoting a Greater Eurasia concept fit for the 21st century that would embrace the whole of the European and Asian landmass.
  • Krastev, Ivan ; Leonard, MarkThe New European Disorder // Essay. European Council on Foreign Relations (2014) 20. november
  • Larsen, Henrik B. L. Great Power Politics and the Ukrainian Crisis: NATO, EU and Russia after 2014 // Report 18 (2014) Copenhagen: DIIS, Danish Institute for International Studies.
    This report assesses the relationship between Europe and Russia as the sum of great power reactions to the Ukrainian crisis and Russia’s annexation of Crimea. Despite agreement on a no business-as-usual principle, important national nuances have arisen stemming from different historical bonds to eastern Europe and Russia (Germany, Poland, United States) or different interests in the region (France, United Kingdom). The report calls for a recalibration of the Europe-Russia relations along three dimensions based on the great power pattern: imposing moderate sanctions and thus letting markets punish Russia, given its vulnerability to international investors; placing the EU at the forefront of implementing the Association Agreement already in place to assist Ukraine in painful but needed reforms; and getting NATO to reinforce its eastern posture to incentivize de-escalation. The Ukrainian crisis must be recognized and managed as a predominantly politicaleconomic rivalry involving relatively strong Russian interests in this common neighborhood with the EU.
  • Laurinavičius, Marius ; Kasčiunas, Laurynas ; Krešanskas, Vytautas ; Kojala, Linas. EU and Russia Relations After Crimea: Red Lines for “Business as Usual” // Eastern Europe Studies Centre (2014) 18. juuni
    Annexation of the Crimea and destabilisation in Eastern Ukraine not only undermined the established principles of territorial inviolability and self-determination of sovereign states, but also forced a rethinking of the security situation in Europe. Moscow wants the West to recognise the postRussia with an informal “veto” right, with the result that Russia would become one of the “arbiters” in the European security architecture. Furthermore, Russia seeksto repeatthe scenario of 2008: while Russia’s military intervention in Georgia was widely condemned, interdependence in energy, economy and politics soon reverted the status of Russian relationship with the EU and other countries to “business as usual”. Russia can expect this due to the divergent positions of EU members with respect to the future relationship model with Russia: while Central and Eastern Europe speak about the necessity for a “containment” policy,themajorEUcountriestake the “engagement”approach. Returning to “business as usual”, which would allow a return to a stable European security system, is possible only by observing the delineated “red lines” in relations with Russia, so the paper provides recommendations that can offer guidance to a post-crisis scenario.
     
  • Penkova, Tomislava. The Vilnius Summit and Ukraine’s Revolution as a Benchmark for EU Eastern Partnership Policy // Institute for International Political Studies (2014) Analysis No. 240
    The Vilnius Summit in November 2013 was a critical turning point for the EU to assess its EaP policy’s  effectiveness, potential and regional challenges. Although the EaP comprises six very different partner countries,  ongoing dramatic events in Ukraine should be analysed not as a single case but rather as a symptom of the EaP’s  shortcomings and an indication of EU ambitions and approach to the common neighbourhood with Russia. In  order to evaluate the EaP’s present and future one should take into account three elements. First, the ‘surprise  effect’ and disappointment in Brussels provoked by the unexpected decision of the former Ukrainian president  not to sign the Association Agreement followed by the EU’s emotionally charged statements and narrative  blaming Russia for all EU difficulties in the region. Second is the wake‐up call that the EaP needs some  re‐adjustment. Third, the EU’s reaction to Ukrainian events revealed its poor leverage and that Russia had  become a decisive factor in EaP. This analysis will look in detail at all three elements while presenting an  exclusively EU perspective built on interviews with EU officials in early 2014.
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  • Eastern Partnership strategy discussed // The Baltic Times (2013) 27. juuni – 10. juuli, pp. 4.
     
  • Ratsiborynska, Vira. Vilnius Summit’s geopolitical games: lessons learnt // The Baltic Times (2013) 19. detsember – 8. jaanuar, pp. 15
     
  • Reichardt, Adam. EU-Russia relations: a view from the “New Eastern Europe” // Baltic Horizons, 2013, no. 20, pp. 19-22
  • Smith, Ben. Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius: carrots v sticks // House of Commons Library (2013) 26. november
    The third European Union Eastern Partnership summit will take place in the Lithuanian capital Vilnius on 28 and 29 November 2013. It comes at a crucial time for some of the countries of Eastern Europe and is seen by some as a battle for influence between the EU and Russia over countries such as Armenia, Moldova and, crucially, Ukraine. Fears were raised that the meeting would end in fiasco when Ukraine announced at the last minute that it would not sign.
  • Stewart, Susan. The Eastern partnership in the context of Russia-Polish-German cooperation // Baltic Horizons, 2013, no. 20, pp. 11-14

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Internet Sources

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Online publications

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  • Reports // Eastern Partnership Civil Society Facility
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Council of the European Union. Have you heard of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership?  (24.11.2017)

Documents

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  • COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES. COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND THE COUNCIL Eastern Partnership (COM(2008) 823 final
  • COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT accompanying the COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND THE COUNCIL Eastern Partnership (SEC(2008) 2974/3
  • COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION. Joint Declaration of the Prague Eastern Partnership Summit Prague, 7 May 2009 (8435/09 (Presse 78)) 
  • COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION. Joint Declaration of the Eastern Partnership Summit, Warsaw, 29-30 September 2011 (14983/11 Presse 341)  
  • COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION. Joint Declaration of the Eastern Partnership Summit, Vilnius, 28-29 ovember 2013 Eastern Partnership: the way ahead (17130/13 (OR. en) Presse 516)
  • EUROPEAN COUNCIL THE PRESIDENT. Remarks by President of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy at the press conference of the Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius (EUCO 254/13 Presse 526 PR PCE 228
  • JOINT STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT Implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy Eastern Partnership Implementation Report Accompanying the document JOINT COMMUNICATION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE COUNCIL, THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE AND THE COMMITTEE OF THE REGIONS Implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy in 2014 (SWD(2015) 76 final
  • Joint Declaration of the Eastern Partnership Summit (Riga, 21-22 May 2015
  • JOINT COMMUNICATION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE COUNCIL, THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE AND THE COMMITTEE OF THE REGIONS Review of the European Neighbourhood Policy (JOIN(2015) 50 final)
  • JOINT STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT Eastern Partnership – Focusing on key priorities and deliverables (SWD(2016) 467 final
  • JOINT STAFF WORKIG DOCUMENT Eastern Partnership – 20 Deliverables for 2020. Focusing on key priorities and tangible results (SWD(2017) 300 final
  • EEAS. European Joint Development Cooperation Strategy (Joint Programming Document) For the Republic of Moldova (February 2018)
  • OPINION of the Committee on International Trade for the Committee on Foreign Affairs on implementation of the EU association agreement with Ukraine (2017/2283(INI))
  • REPORT (A8-0369/2018) on the implementation of the EU Association Agreement with Ukraine (2017/2283(INI)) Committee on Foreign Affairs. 

  • REPORT (A8-0369/2018) on the implementation of the EU Association Agreement with Ukraine (2017/2283(INI)) Committee on Foreign Affairs
     
  • REPORT (A8-0322/2018) on the implementation of the EU Association Agreement with Moldova (2017/2281(INI)) Committee on Foreign Affairs
  • JOINT STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT Association Implementation Report on Georgia (SWD(2020) 30 final) HIGH REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNION FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND SECURITY POLICY (06.02.2020)
  • JOINT STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT Report on EU – Azerbaijan relations in the framework of the revised European Neighbourhood Policy (SWD(2019) 107 final) HIGH REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNION FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND SECURITY POLICY (11.03.2019)
  • JOINT STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT Partnership Implementation Report on Armenia (SWD(2019) 191 final) HIGH REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNION FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND SECURITY POLICY (20.5.2019)
  • COMMISSION IMPLEMENTING DECISION of 24.7.2019 on the ENI East Regional Action Programme for 2019, Part 2, including some actions to be carried out in 2020, to be financed from the general budget of the European Union C(2019) 5639 final (24.07.2019)
  • COMMISSION IMPLEMENTING DECISION of 17.10.2019 on the ENI East Regional Action Programme 2019, part 3, including some actions to be carried out in 2020, to be financed from the general budget of the European Union C(2019) 7434 final (17.10.2019)
  • COMMISSION IMPLEMENTING DECISION of 5.11.2019 on the annual action programme in favour of ENI East and South countries for a Regional Communication Programme Phase III to be financed from the 2019 general budget of the European Union C(2019) 7990 final (05.11.2019)
  • COMMISSION IMPLEMENTING DECISION of 28.11.2019 on the annual action programme in favour of the Eastern Partnership region for 2019, Part 5 C(2019) 8735 final (28.11.2019)
  • JOINT STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT Association Implementation Report on Ukraine SWD(2019) 433 final (12.12.2019)
  • JOINT COMMUNICATION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE EUROPEAN COUNCIL, THE COUNCIL, THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE AND THE COMMITTEE OF THE REGIONS Eastern Partnership policy beyond 2020 Reinforcing Resilience - an Eastern Partnership that delivers for all {SWD(2020) 56 final}

  • COMMISSION IMPLEMENTING DECISION of 6.5.2020 on a special measure concerning EU COVID-19 solidarity for the Eastern Partnership for 2020 to be financed from the general budget of the Union (C(2020) 3048 final)

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Research

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Ajalehevirn
Last updated:06/30/2020 - 23:18
Research
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  • Klum Stelander, Jonatan. EU against disinformation. Understanding a modern anti-disinformation campaign: Master’s thesis / Supervisor: Anna Michalski ; Uppsala University, Department of government, Master Programme in Political Science. – 2017.
    In March 2015, the European Union decided to respond to the ongoing disinformation campaigns by setting up the East Stratcom Task Force. This thesis applies theories of communication logic, disinformation-defence and EU’s normativity to develop an analytical framework that can theoretically and empirically enhance our understanding of EU’s campaign. A content analysis was used to analyse the material and to categorize different key concepts that derives from the aforementioned theoretical fields. The finding generated by the analysis of the disinformation reviews show that the Task Force uses both media and political logic in its communication. The results also indicate clear traits of a confronting disinformation-defence strategy. Furthermore it is possible to detect a trend among some of the responses that had similarities to another category within the field of disinformation- defence called “ignoring”. Interestingly the reviews do not regularly reference the normative values of the EU. However, this does not prove that the reviews or the Task Force that writes them do not share the normative values. Although the normative values of the EU is not discussed or referenced in the vast majority of the reviews, on several occasions they do defend the EU on the basis of its normative values. This illustrates a certain level of neutrality of the position of the Task Force with regards to the self-identity of the EU. Despite only being active for two years, the East Stratcom Taskforce seems to have found its place among the EU’s arsenal of foreign policy tools. [open access]

Scientific Articles

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Last updated:06/30/2020 - 23:18
Scientific Articles
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Database mentioned in brackets indicates that the full text is electronically available.

Full texts are available for registered users of National Library of Estonia if logged into search portal. Some journals apply an annual access restriction to full electronic texts. To read full texts with restricted access write to us at elik@nlib.ee.

 

  • Ajir, Media ; Vailliant, Bethany. Russian Information Warfare: Implications for Deterrence Theory // Strategic Studies Quarterly (2018) nr. 3, lk. 70-89.
    The advanced threat of Russian disinformation campaigns against Western democracies and the United States in particular begs the questions: What are Russia’s strategies for information warfare, and how can the United States combat them? This article explores the evolution of anti-Western propaganda coming from Russia in three ways: statefunded global social media networks, controlling Western media outlets, and direct lobbying of Western society. Recommendations to combat these threats include analysis of deterrence theory and its applicability to the domain of information warfare. [open access]
  • Alemanno, Alberto. How to Counter Fake News? A Taxonomy of Anti-fake News Approaches // European Journal of Risk Regulation : EJRR (2018) nr. 1, lk.1-5.
    Fake news is a symptom of deeper structural problems in our societies and media environments. To counter it, policymakers need to take into account the underlying, self-reinforcing mechanisms that make this old phenomenon so pervasive today. Only by taking a step back can we examine the vulnerabilities these fake news narratives exploit. This article provides a first taxonomy of anti-fake news approaches. It argues that proposed anti-fake news laws focus on the trees rather than the forest. As such, they will not only remain irrelevant but also aggravate the root causes fuelling the fake news phenomenon. (HeinOnline, ProQuest Research Library, Westlaw International) 
  • Bârgăoanu, Alina ; Radu, Loredana. Fake News or Disinformation 2.0? Some Insights into Romanians’ Digital Behaviour // Romanian Journal of European Affairs (2018) nr. 1, lk. 24-38.
    This paper focuses on digital behaviour, self-assessment of vulnerabilities to digital disinformation, and patterns of trust as exposed by Romanian citizens. By corroborating the data of the first national public opinion survey on fake news and disinformation (implemented between February and March 2018) with the Special Eurobarometer no. 464 – Fake News and Disinformation Online – implemented in the same time frame (February 2018), we capture the perceptions and attitudes of Romanian citizens over the use of new media and news trustworthiness, and we also compare the Romanians’ online behaviour with the average European’s. As similar research reveals, digital disinformation affects resilience of citizens in Member States and in the European Union overall, it “threatens the democratic political processes and values” (European Commission, 2018: 12), the integrity of elections and political processes, and should therefore, be approached as a legitimate public concern. Our paper opens the floor for more dedicated research and applied policies – at both the Member States and EU levels – aimed at mitigating the rising and ever worrying fake news phenomenon. (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals, Free E- Journals, HeinOnline , ProQuest Research Library) 
  • Bennett, W. Lance ; Livingston, S. The disinformation order: Disruptive communication and the decline of democratic institutions // European Journal of Communication (2018) nr. 2, lk. 122-139.
    Many democratic nations are experiencing increased levels of false information circulating through social media and political websites that mimic journalism formats. In many cases, this disinformation is associated with the efforts of movements and parties on the radical right to mobilize supporters against centre parties and the mainstream press that carries their messages. The spread of disinformation can be traced to growing legitimacy problems in many democracies. Declining citizen confidence in institutions undermines the credibility of official information in the news and opens publics to alternative information sources. Those sources are often associated with both nationalist (primarily radical right) and foreign (commonly Russian) strategies to undermine institutional legitimacy and destabilize centre parties, governments and elections. The Brexit campaign in the United Kingdom and the election of Donald Trump in the United States are among the most prominent examples of disinformation campaigns intended to disrupt normal democratic order, but many other nations display signs of disinformation and democratic disruption. The origins of these problems and their implications for political communication research are explored. (Sage Journals Onlines)
  • Francine, Jaomiasa. European Union in the age of misleading communications. Insights on disinformation and propaganda // Revista Romana de Jurnalism si Comunicare (2016) nr. 4, lk.36-44.
    This paper focuses on the presentation and the analysis of the European Union reactions in the communication sector in the wake of the ongoing current crisis on its Eastern flank and in a broader context. First of all the paper shall focus in its brief introductory section on the definition of disinformation and propaganda, and their uses throughout the history. After establishing the core notions, the next research approach would be directed on the Why we need to study them?. Thus the paper would present how this concept applies to Russia and its media campaigns of the last couple of years. These notions would be then supplemented for the specific purposes of this paper by concept of strategic communications defined in a 2011 Chatham House report, as “a systematic series of sustained and coherent activities, conducted across strategic, operational and tactical levels, that enables understanding of target audiences and identifies effective conduits to promote and sustain particular types of behaviour” (Cornish & all, 2011, p. 4). The last part of the paper would highlight what has been done and is currently done in order to counteract the propaganda and disinformation campaign directed against the European Union. Moreover the paper would try to see if it identifies any Romanian research, at the national level to act as a form of strategic communications campaign in this issue. It is in this author opinion that such a paper would bring to a Romanian audience more information concerning the above mentioned topics while providing a timely update on the current communications challenges we face as a border state of the both the European Union and NATO. (ProQuest Research Library)
  • Giglietto, Fabio ; Iannelli, Laura ; Valeriani, Augusto ; Rossi, Luca. ‘Fake news’ is the invention of a liar: How false information circulates within the hybrid news system // Current Sociology (2019) nr. 4, lk. 625-642.
    Alarmed by the oversimplifications related to the ‘fake news’ buzzword, researchers have started to unpack the concept, defining diverse types and forms of misleading news. Most of the existing works in the area consider crucial the intent of the content creator in order to differentiate among different types of problematic information. This article argues for a change of perspective that, by leveraging the conceptual framework of sociocybernetics, shifts from exclusive attention to creators of misleading information to a broader approach that focuses on propagators and, as a result, on the dynamics of the propagation processes. The analytical implications of this perspective are discussed at a micro level (criteria to judge the falsehood of news and to decide to spread it), at a meso level (four possible relations between individual judgements and decisions), and at a macro level (global circulation cascades). The authors apply this theoretical gaze to analyse ‘fake news’ stories... (Sage Journals)
     
  • Introne, Joshua ; Gokce Yildirim, Irem ; Iandoli, Luca. How People Weave Online Information Into Pseudoknowledge // Social Media + Society (2018)
    Misinformation has found a new natural habitat in the digital age. Thousands of forums, blogs, and alternative news sources amplify fake news and inaccurate information to such a degree that it impacts our collective intelligence. Researchers and policy makers are troubled by misinformation because it is presumed to energize or even carry false narratives that can motivate poor decision-making and dangerous behaviors. Yet, while a growing body of research has focused on how viral misinformation spreads, little work has examined how false narratives are in fact constructed. In this study, we move beyond contagion inspired approaches to examine how people construct a false narrative. We apply prior work in cognitive science on narrative understanding to illustrate how the narrative changes over time and in response to social dynamics, and examine how forum participants draw upon a diverse set of online sources to substantiate the narrative. We find that the narrative is based primarily on reinterpretations of conventional and scholarly sources, and then used to provide an alternate account of unfolding events. We conclude that the link between misinformation, conventional knowledge, and false narratives is more complex than is often presumed, and advocate for a more direct study of this relationship.  [open access]
  • Janda, Jakub. How to boost the Western response to Russian hostile influence operations // European View (2018) nr. 2, lk.181-188.
    The Russian Federation has become a rogue state in international relations, invading and occupying the territories of three European countries (Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine), waging war in the Ukrainian territory, producing massive disinformation campaigns against the West, threatening the Baltic republics, and interfering in various elections and referendums. Despite Russia’s aggressive behaviour, the West’s response to it has been significantly limited, particularly when it comes to non-military deterrence by Continental Europe. The US and the UK are leading the punishment of Russia’s aggression, while many countries, mainly in Western and Southern Europe, are hesitant to respond to this threat. This article makes recommendations as to what should be done in practical terms to boost the European portion of the Western response to Russian aggression from the political and policy points of view.
  • Prier, Jarred. Commanding the Trend: Social Media as Information Warfare // Strategic Studies Quarterly: SSQ (2017) nr. 4, lk. 50-85.
    This article demonstrates how social media is a tool for modern information-age warfare. It builds on analysis of three distinct topics: social networking, propaganda, and news and information sharing. Two case studies are used to show how state and nonstate actors use social media to employ time-tested propaganda techniques to yield far-reaching results. The spread of the propaganda message is accomplished by tapping into an existing narrative, then amplifying that message with a network of automatic “bot” accounts to force the social media platform algorithm to recognize that message as a trending topic. The first case study analyzes Islamic State (IS) as a nonstate actor, while the second case observes Russia as a state actor, with each providing evidence of successful influence operations using social media. Coercion and persuasion will continue to be decisive factors in information warfare as more countries attempt to build influence operations on social media. (ProQuest Research Library, US Government Documents) 

Books

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Ajalehevirn
Last updated:06/30/2020 - 23:17
Books
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Internet Sources

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Ajalehevirn
Last updated:06/30/2020 - 23:17
Internet Sources
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  • European Commission. Fake news and online disinformation
  • EU vs Disinfo  (The website is part of a campaign to better forecast, address and respond to pro-Kremlin disinformation. The ‘EU versus Disinformation’ campaign is run by the European External Action Service East Stratcom Task Force.)
  • EU Disinfolab (Non-governmental organisation based in Brussels. Their mission is to fight disinformation with innovative methodology and scientific support to the counter-disinformation community.)
  • Disinfoportal (One-stop interactive online portal and guide to the Kremlin’s information war)
  • Propastop Propastop is a blog aimed at cleaning Estonia from propaganda, false information and media lie. The blog is run by volunteers.
  • Alliance of Democracies. Transatlantic Commission on Election Integrity – The Pledge for Election Integrity
  • The German Marshall Fund of the United States. The Authoritarian Interference Tracker (exposes the Russian government’s foreign interference activities in more than 40 transatlantic countries from 2000 to the present)
  • European Council on Foreign RelationsInfluence Campaigns and Disinformation
  • European Science-Media Hub (Platform to promote networking, training and knowledge sharing between the European Parliament, the scientific community and the media.)
  • Fake news [What Think Tanks are thinking] / European Parliament, 14.09.2018
  • EurActive links
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  • Althuis, Jente ; Haiden, Leonie (Editors). Fake News. A Roadmap / King’s Centre for Strategic Communications (KCSC), NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence (NATO StratCom COE), 2018.
    The term Fake News became the default catchphrase for truth-seekers wishing to label inaccurate reporting, truth-obscurers spreading malevolent assertions, or the unprepared who simply want to close down uncomfortable discussion. The shorthand expression ‘Fake News’ may fit neatly into tweeted messages, but willing amplifiers spread it across all media, traditional and social, without necessarily giving it a meaningful definition.
    This book explores the character, consequences, and challenges of fake news. The twists and turns that connect fake news to related buzzwords and themes are far from straightforward. It uses the image of a map to navigate the complexity of localised events, mounting pressures, and seismic shifts in the political and media landscapes that appear to have converged in recent years.
  • A multi-dimensional approach to disinformation: Report of the independent High level Group on fake news and online disinformation / High-Level Expert Group (HLEG) on Fake News and Online Disinformation, 2018. The European Union’s High-Level Expert Group (HLEG) on Fake News and Disinformation published its final report on 12 March 2018, in which it suggests a definition of the phenomenon and makes a series of recommendations.
  • Bentzen, Naja. Online disinformation and the EU’s response / European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Service (EPRS), 2017-
    The proliferation of disinformation – including false news posing as factual stories – became increasingly visible ever since the conflict in Ukraine. While existing research indicates that a majority of people have difficulties determining when news is not factual, the EU has progressively stepped up its efforts to tackle ‘fake news’ online. Version 1 [April 2017] ; Version 2 [November 2017] ; Version 3 [May 2018]
     
  • Brattberg, Erik ; Maurer, Tim. Russian Election Interference: Europe’s Counter to Fake News and Cyber Attacks / Carnegie, 2018.
    Russia’s aggressive campaign targeting the 2016 U.S. election revealed not only the extent to which information and communications technologies are being used to undermine democratic processes but also the weaknesses of protection measures. The U.S. government was effectively caught off guard, once again highlighting that such interference presents a rising global threat. Comprehensive strategies and tools are clearly needed as part of a long-term, holistic approach to building resilience, but to be effective, they should be informed by the regular sharing of best practices and lessons learned between countries.
    In reaction to Russia’s disruptive campaigns in Europe and the United States, European governments took steps before and during their 2017 elections to better protect against disinformation campaigns and cyber attacks. Unsurprisingly, an examination of their efforts shows the importance of identifying risks at the local, regional, and national levels and actively engaging political parties and traditional and social media outlets. These lessons and others could provide the basis for a common, analytical framework to assess the different dimensions of risk and guide countries’ preparatory actions.
  • Disinformation and propaganda – impact on the functioning of the rule of law in the EU and its Member States / European Parliament, 2019.
    This study, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs and requested by the European Parliament’s Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs, assesses the impact of disinformation and strategic political propaganda disseminated through online social media sites. It examines effects on the functioning of the rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights in the EU and its Member States. The study formulates recommendations on how to tackle this threat to human rights, democracy and the rule of law. It specifically addresses the role of social media platform providers in this regard.
  • Fletcher, Richard ; Cornia, Alessio ; Graves, Lucas ; Kleis Nielsen, Rasmus. Measuring the reach of “fake news” and online disinformation in Europe / Reuters Institute : University of Oxford, 2018.
    The purpose of this RISJ factsheet is to provide toplevel usage statistics for the most popular sites that independent fact-checkers and other observers have identified as publishers of false news and online disinformation in two European countries: France and Italy. We focus specifically on sites that independent fact-checkers have shown to publish demonstrably false news and information, whether for profit or for ideological/political purposes.
  • Martens, Bertin ; Aguiar, Luis ; Gomez-Herrera, Estrella ; Mueller-Langer, Frank. The digital transformation of news media and the rise of disinformation and fake news – An economic perspective / European Commission, Joint Research centre, 2018.
    This report contains an overview of the relevant economic research literature on the digital transformation of news markets and the impact on the quality of news. It compares various definitions of fake news, including false news and other types of disinformation and finds that there is no consensus on this. It presents some survey data on consumer trust and quality perceptions of various sources of online news that indicate relatively high trust in legacy printed and broadcasted news publishers and lower trust in algorithm-driven news distribution channels such as aggregators and social media. Still, two thirds of consumers access news via these channels. More analytical empirical evidence on the online consumption of genuine and fake news shows that strong newspaper brands continue to attract large audiences from across the political spectrum for direct access to newspaper websites. Real news consumption on these sites dwarfs fake news consumption. Fake news travels faster and further on social media sites. Algorithm-driven news distribution platforms have reduced market entry costs and widened the market reach for news publishers and readers. At the same time, they separate the role of content editors and curators of news distribution. The latter becomes algorithm-driven, often with a view to maximize traffic and advertising revenue. That weakens the role of trusted editors as qualintermediaries and facilitates the distribution of false and fake news content. It might lead to news market failures. News distribution platforms have recently become aware of the need to correct for these potential failures. Non-regulatory initiatives such as fact-checking, enhanced media literacy and news media codes of conduct can also contribute.
  • Nimmo, Ben. Identifying disinformation: an ABC / Institute for European Studies : Vrije Universitet Brussel, 2016.
    One of the key challenges in countering information warfare is identifying when it is taking place. The concept of disinformation is widely understood and has been exhaustively defined; however, the currently available definitions do not allow for the operational identification of disinformation in a sufficiently rapid manner to allow for effective countermeasures. This paper argues that the essence of disinformation is the intent to deceive. While such an intent is difficult to prove, it can be inferred by reference to three key criteria, termed the “ABC approach”. These criteria are: the accuracy of factual statements, balance in reporting and the credibility of the sources chosen. This ABC approach is intended to give academics, analysts and policy-makers an operational method to determine whether disinformation has been committed in a given case.
  • Regulating disinformation with artificial intelligence / European Parliamentary Research Service, 2019.
    This study examines the consequences of the increasingly prevalent use of artificial intelligence (AI) disinformation initiatives upon freedom of expression, pluralism and the functioning of a democratic polity. The study examines the trade-offs in using automated technology to limit the spread of disinformation online. It presents options (from self-regulatory to legislative) to regulate automated content recognition (ACR) technologies in this context. Special attention is paid to the opportunities for the European Union as a whole to take the lead in setting the framework for designing these technologies in a way that enhances accountability and transparency and respects free speech. The present project reviews some of the key academic and policy ideas on technology and disinformation and highlights their relevance to European policy.
  • Tenove, Chris ; Buffie, Jordan ; McKay, Spencer ; Moscrop, David. Digital Threats to Democratic Elections: How Foreign Actors Use Digital Techniques to Undermine Democracy / Centre for the Study of Democratic Institutions, University of British Columbia, 2018.
    This report addresses key questions about foreign actors’ use of digital communication technologies (DCTs) to interfere in democratic elections. It does so by employing the schema of a cyber-security “threat model.” A threat model asks the following key questions: What in a system is most valued and needs to be secured? What actions could adversaries take to harm a system? Who are potential adversaries, with what capacities and intentions? What are the system’s key vulnerabilities? What will be the most effective counter-measures to address these threats? The authors of this report draw on existing research to engage these questions to make several observations.
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Documents

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Last updated:06/30/2020 - 23:13
Documents
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  • COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE COUNCIL, THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE AND THE COMMITTEE OF THE REGIONS Tackling online disinformation: a European Approach
    COM/2018/236 final
  • Joint Communication to the European Parliament, the European Council, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions: Action Plan against Disinformation (JOIN(2018) 36 final).
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Research

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Last updated:06/30/2020 - 20:43
Research
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Scientific Articles

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Last updated:06/30/2020 - 20:43
Scientific Articles
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Database mentioned in brackets indicates that the full text is electronically available.

Full texts are available for registered users of National Library of Estonia if logged into search portal. Some journals apply an annual access restriction to full electronic texts. To read full texts with restricted access write to us at elik@nlib.ee.

 

  • Bäckstrand, Karin ; Elgström, Ole. The EU’s role in climate change negotiations: from leader to ‘leadiator’ // Journal of European Public Policy (2013) nr. 10, lk. 1369-1386.
    We start with two puzzles: first, how to explain the European Union (EU)’s decline as a climate change leader at the Copenhagen summit? Second, how to understand the partial revival of its leadership position at the Durban climate summit? We advance a twofold explanation, focusing on changes in relative power relations among major powers but also on negotiation strategies and coalition building. In Copenhagen, the EU had a normative agenda and unrealistic expectations and thereby failed to forge any bridge-building coalitions. In Durban, it had moved towards a pragmatic strategy, attuned to the realities of changing power constellations. The EU approached developing countries that shared its desire for a legally binding regime covering all major emitters and probed compromises with veto players, such as China and the US. This bridge-building strategy was combined with a conditional pledge to agree to an extension of the Kyoto Protocol. In sum, the EU acted as a ‘leadiator’, a leader-cum-mediator. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Bremberg, Niklas ; Sonnsjö, Hannes ; Mobjörk, Malin. The EU and climate-related security risks: a community of practice in the making? // Journal of European Integration (2019) nr. 5, lk. 623-639.
    Climate change is increasingly acknowledged as a threat to states and societies, and several international organizations are now seeking to respond to climate-related security risks. The EU’s comprehensive approach to security suggests that the Union is particularly well-suited to respond to such risks, but the EU has not yet developed a coherent policy. This article addresses the gap between discourse and policy outcomes by exploring how practice shapes EU climate security policy. It provides unique insights based on practitioners’ accounts of the work being done in the European Union External Action Service to align various EU foreign policy tools and instruments in order to address climate-related security risks. A key finding is that a community of practice is emerging on climate security in the EU, but it is characterized by overlapping and conflicting practices relating to climate diplomacy, development, and security and defence. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Davis Cross, Mai’a K. Partners at Paris? climate negotiations and transatlantic relations // Journal of European Integration (2018) nr. 5, lk. 571-586.
    There is arguably no security crisis so great as the one that stems from climate change. For some time, the EU, rather than the US, has led the way in terms of far-ranging policies to reduce carbon emissions. But despite the fact that the EU has been able to bind itself to strong environmental norms internally, it has – up until COP21 – been a relatively weak norm entrepreneur externally when seeking to convince others, especially the US, to adopt stronger environmental policies. Why was the EU finally able to increase its influence in the lead up and at the 2015 UN summit in Paris? This article argues that while the EU’s climate diplomacy has underperformed in the past, it has been quick to adapt since the 2009 Copenhagen summit through effectively broadening its epistemic community of climate diplomats, and engaging in a process of political learning. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Downie, Christian. Shaping International Negotiations from within the EU: Sub-State Actors and Climate Change // Journal of European Integration (2013) nr. 6, lk. 705-721.
    The European Union (EU) has been a critical player in international environmental negotiations, especially those relating to climate change. This has been documented, and the role of the EU analysed, in many studies, some of which focus specifically on the role of European non-state actors in these negotiations. Yet few studies have analysed the role played by sub-state actors, namely government departments in the member states and directorate-generals in the European Commission. This paper attempts to redress this imbalance by considering the behaviour of the EU in the international climate negotiations through the prism of a ‘two-level’ game. In particular, it will consider what role sub-state actors played in determining the negotiating position of the EU and the type of agreement it has been willing to sign. In doing so, this paper reveals that there are limits to what the two-level game can explain, especially in long negotiations, and it suggests three factors that existing theories need to take into account to understand variations in state behaviour and its implication for negotiation outcomes. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Dupont, Claire. The EU’s collective securitisation of climate change // West European Politics (2019) nr  2, lk. 369-390.
    Climate change is a firmly established and prominent issue of concern for the European Union. The EU became a collective agent of securitisation over time, increasingly engaging in speech acts defining climate change as a threat. These speech acts have driven forward agreed European policy measures and have informed EU positions in international climate negotiations. This piece examines how climate change became securitised and traces the historical development of the EU as an agent of collective securitisation in this domain. It argues that the EU has become a more unified, collective actor over time, that it has engaged in recursive interaction with multiple (internal and external) audiences to drive the securitisation of climate change, and that a new securitised status quo had been achieved by the mid-to-late 2000s. This new status quo positions climate change as central to the EU’s security agenda.(Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Groen, Lisanne ; Oberthür, Sebastian. Explaining goal achievement in international negotiations: the EU and the Paris Agreement on climate change // Journal of European Public Policy (2018) nr. 5, lk. 708-727. The Paris Agreement on climate change adopted in December 2015 reflects EU policy objectives to large extent. To find an explanation, we develop a general framework that incorporates both structural and actor-/process-related factors, paying particular attention to negotiation strategy and diplomacy. On this basis, we argue that the high level of EU goal achievement in Paris resulted from the interplay of (1) evolving international structures, (2) effective EU strategy fitting these structures and domestic politics, and (3) favourable situational circumstances. While the EU arguably pushed others to their limits, downscaled ambitions also meant that it accepted a Paris Agreement that is insufficient by itself and needs to be strengthened quickly. The application of our conceptual framework to the Paris Agreement demonstrates its added value and that it can build the basis of a fresh programme of work comparing the EU’s performance in international institutions/negotiations across time and policy fields. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Meckling, Jonas. The developmental state in global regulation: economic change and climate policy // European Journal of International Relations (2018) nr. 1, lk. 58-81
    What are the origins of global regulation? This article proposes that the developmental state — the state investing in economic development — can be a source of global environmental regulation. Through industrial policy, the developmental state can promote structural economic change in polluting sectors that supports global regulatory policy in two ways: first, providing state support to green industries creates economic interests in support of global regulation; and, second, driving down the cost of technology through government subsidies alters the pay-offs of global cooperation for other states.
    This article examines the two mechanisms in the case of climate change: the global leadership of the European Union; and international cooperation on the Paris Agreement. The argument advances our theory of the state in global regulatory politics as both a developmental and a regulatory force. This article identifies significant scope for the developmental strategies of major economies to change the interest and cost structures of polluting sectors to support global environmental regulation. (Sage Journals Onlines)
  • Nitoiu, Cristian. Supporting the EU’s Approach to Climate Change: The Discourse of the Transnational Media Within the ‘Brussels Bubble’ // Journal of European Integration (2015) nr. 5, lk. 535-552.
    The Union’s global climate change policy has been widely seen as an expression of its normative power, where it is committed to act through multilateral frameworks in order to tackle the effects of changes in the climate and safeguard the future of people around the world. Internally, the EU’s approach to climate change is complemented by high levels of support from citizens. This article explores another internal source of support for the EU’s leadership in global climate change policy, namely the media. The focus here is on the transnational media’s reporting and coverage of the Copenhagen summit, which is widely considered to be one of the key points in the development of global climate change policy. The article shows that within the ‘Brussels bubble,’ the transnational media supported through its reporting the EU’s ambitious agenda in global climate change policy around the time of the Copenhagen summit. (Taylor & Francis Journals Complete)
  • Wester, Misse ; Mobjörk, Malin. A Brief Survey of the Work Being Performed by Crisis Organisations in European Union Member States on Climate Change Effects // Journal of Contingencies & Crisis Management (2017) nr. 4, lk. 364-369.
    The negative effects of climate change are calling for action to mitigate and adapt to future challenges. National crisis management authorities need to prepare to handle crisis caused by direct or indirect effects. In this study, we investigate how crisis management authorities within the European Union prepare for the effects of climate change by conducting a small questionnaire study. The questionnaire used consisted of 12 questions and was answered by 17 counties. Results indicate that most crisis management agencies focus on weather-related incidents, such as floods, heatwaves and forest fires. Indirect effects are not prepared for to the same extent. The gulf between crisis management and climate adaptation is discussed. [Academic Search Complete (EBSCO), Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]

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  • Kustova, Irina ; Rizos, Vasileios. The European Green Deal after Corona: Implications for EU climate policy / CEPS Policy Insights, March 2020.
    Climate change policy cannot be the first priority of the EU for the immediate future. However, in spite of the corona-crisis the urgency of climate change mitigation has not disappeared. The post-corona recovery can both put the EU’s decarbonisation progress back on track – after low-carbon investments will inevitably take a hit – but the EU’s Green Deal proposals can likewise support the general economic recovery. It will be important to ensure that recovery measures are compatible with global climate change and European Green Deal priorities so that stimulus money will flow to economic activities that have a place in a climate-neutral world. As time passes, the re-launch may actually offer a unique opportunity for the EU to live up to the Green Deal’s promise of economic modernisation along the Paris decarbonisation objectives. The period we have until the relaunch should be used to develop a new agenda. These ideas will not per se be off-the-shelf but go beyond current solutions for decarbonisation. Instead of tinkering around the margins, the EU should focus on transformational technologies, and for example go big on low-carbon infrastructure, efficient buildings, and lead markets to boost demand for climate-neutral industry.
  • Piatkiewicz, DanielleExamining Central and Eastern Europe’s Climate Policy through a Security Lens / EU Monitor, March 2020.
    As the global community gathers to tackle the current Covid-19 virus, the future of the European Commission’s recent European Climate Law and European Green Deal remains unclear. Questioned even further by statements from some Central and Eastern European leaders calling for the green agenda to be abandoned in lieu of economic restoration in the aftermath of the Covid-19 crisis and causing further divisions within the EU on climate-related issues. However, if anything has taught us through this current crisis, is that global threats affect just that, the globe. The EU needs to find collective and unified approaches to tackle growing climate-related risks that pose both near and longterm security threats for the region.
  • Widuto, Agnieszka. EU support for coal regions / European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Service (EPRS), 2019.
    The EU has committed to cut greenhouse gas emissions by 40 % before 2030, and by at least 80 % by 2050. This will require a transition from relying on fossil fuels to renewable energy sources, and in particular a reduction in power generation from coal. While EU production and consumption of coal has declined steadily, coal still provides about a quarter of EU power generation.
    Coal is mined in 12 Member States, and coal-fired power plants operate in 21 Member States. The European coal sector employs 238 000 people in directly linked activities, such as coal mines and power plants. An estimated 160 000 jobs could disappear by 2030. Further job losses are expected in indirect activities along the value chain, e.g. power generation, equipment supply, services, research and development. Impacts of phasing out coal are also likely to be felt in the iron and steel sectors, mining equipment manufacturing and coal terminals. Transition to a low-carbon economy will therefore require structural changes in coal-producing regions.
  • The EU, a world leader in fighting climate change / European Parliament: European Parliamentary Research Service, 2018.
    The European Union is at the forefront of international efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and thus safeguard the planet’s climate. Greenhouse gases (GHG) – primarily carbon dioxide but also others, including methane and chlorofluorocarbons – trap heat in the atmosphere, leading to global warming. Higher temperatures then act on the climate, with varying effects. For example, dry regions might become drier while, at the poles, the ice caps are melting, causing higher sea levels. In 2016, the global average temperature was already 1.1°C above pre-industrial levels.
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  • The European Green Deal needs a reformed fiscal framework / Bruegel (20.12.2019) The European Green Deal should include a sustainable investment strategy that will help citizens change behaviour and companies switch technologies. But to finance it, the EU will have to increase the flexibility of its fiscal rules to encourage member states to invest in the transition.

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  • Butler, Graham. The European Defence Union and Denmark´s defence opt-out: A legal appraisal // European Foreign Affairs Review (2020) Vol. 25, No. 1, p. 117-150.
    When Denmark failed to ratify the Treaty of Maastricht in 1992, the heads of state and government meeting within the European Council concluded the Edinburgh Decision that established a number of opt-outs for Denmark, so it could subsequently ratify the treaty. One of these opt-outs was in regard to EU defence matters. /.../ This article analyses the law, policy, and practice of the Danish defence opt-out contained in Article 5 of Protocol (No 22) on the position of Denmark annexed to the EU teates, in light of the litany of initiative that now make up the contemporary European Defence Union. [Kluwer Law Online]
     
  • Closa, CarlosInter-institutional cooperation and intergroup unity in the shadow of veto: the construction of the EP’s institutional role in the Brexit negotiations // Journal of European Public Policy (2020) Vol. 27, No. 4, p. 630-648.
    From its initially limited role under Article 50 in the withdrawal negotiations, the EP has constructed a central role for itself in the process. How was the EP able to shape the rules to its advantage? As instruments to enhance its own role, the EP combined the unconcealed brandishing of its veto threat with the promotion of strong internal unity and supporting the Commission’s role as central negotiator. The EP was able to exploit interpretative ambiguities in the incomplete contract which is the EU Lisbon Treaty to reinforce its institutional position. [Taylor & Francis Journals Complete]
     
  • Expectations, vote choice and opinion stability since the 2016 Brexit referendum // European Union Politics (2020) Vol 21, No 2, p. 255–275
     
  • Hobolt, Sara B.; Rodon, ToniCross-cutting issues and electoral choice. EU issue voting in the aftermath of the Brexit referendum // Journal of European Public Policy (2020) Vol 27, No 2, p. 227-245.
    As political competition is becoming increasingly multi-dimensional in Europe, voters often face the challenge of choosing which issues matter most to them. The European integration issue presents a particular difficulty for voters, since it is not closely aligned to the left-right dimension. We test the impact of the EU issue in the first parliamentary election following the UK's divisive Brexit referendum. We argue that while the EU issue was salient to voters, EU issue voting was inhibited by the indistinct and ambiguous positions adopted by the two major parties. To examine this, we combine an analysis of British Election Study data from the 2017 General Election with a conjoint experiment that allows us to present voters with a range of choices on both dimensions. Our findings show that the EU dimension has the potential to become a cross-cutting dimension that rivals the left-right dimension in British electoral politics, but this crucially depends on party competition.
     
  • Huhe, NarisongNaurin, DanielThomson, RobertDon’t cry for me Britannia: The resilience of the European Union to Brexit // European Union Politics (2020) Vol. 21, No. 1, p. 152–172.
    We assess the impact of the United Kingdom’s 2016 decision to leave the European Union on the Council of the European Union, where Brexit is likely to have the clearest observable implications. Using concepts and models from the spatial model of politics and network analysis, we formulate and test expectations regarding the effects of Brexit. We examine two of the most prominent datasets on recent decision-making in the European Union, which include data on cooperation networks among member states before and after the 2016 referendum. Our findings identify some of the political challenges that Brexit will bring, but also highlight the factors that are already helping the European Union’s remaining member states to adapt to Brexit. [SAGE Journals]
     
  • Urbatsch, Robert. Trade connections’ effect on European regions’ interest in Brexit // European Union Politics (2020) Vol. 21, No. 1, p. 173–179.
    The European Union’s deepening of international economic integration might be expected to correspondingly increase interest in policy (and news) related to trade partners. The United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the organization through invocation of Article 50 offers a particularly clear case for such potential effects, since it directly implicates the relevant economic ties. Yet, evidence from Google searches shows no such effect: European regions that particularly rely on trade with the United Kingdom devote no greater share of their search requests to Brexit-related topics, whether because the public is unaware of local trade linkages or uninterested in the other parties involved. [SAGE Journals]
     
  • Yang, YifanAfter Brexit: The Certainty and Uncertainty of China-EU Relations in Academic Discourse // European Foreign Affairs Review (2020) Vol. 25, No. 1, p.41 – 60.
    This article examines the Chinese scholars’ perceptions of China-European Union (EU) relations in the context of Brexit, with a focus on the future of European integration, the economic and political challenges of post-Brexit China-EU relations at both unit and global levels and China’s policy choices towards the EU. [Kluwer Law Online]
     
  • Special Issue: The Brexit Policy Fiasco. Edited by Jeremy Richardson and Berthold Rittberger // Journal of European Public Policy (2020) Vol 27, No 5.
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  • Brenncke, MartinStatutory Interpretation and the Role of the Courts after Brexit // European Public Law (2019) Vol. 25, no. 4, p. 637-664.
    This article evaluates the impact of the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 on statutory interpretation and on the role of the courts in the United Kingdom. The Act’s new interpretative obligations create a myriad of issues that will occupy litigants and courts in the future. I explain how the complexities of the Act should be disentangled and how courts should exercise their policy choices under the terms of the Act. I show that the assumption that Brexit is a clear break from EU law is in several respects contradicted by the detail of the legislative scheme. The European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 (EUWA)’s strong theme of legal continuity has the consequence that domestic law will remain considerably intertwined and aligned with EU law after exit day. I also demonstrate that the 2018 Act adjusts the relationship between the courts and Parliament in a way that is not foreseen. EU membership has shaped this relationship and Brexit does not mean that it is profoundly restructured. The Act has the potential to strengthen rather than weaken the institutional and constitutional position of the courts.
     
  • Bressanelli, E.Chelotti, N. and Lehmann, WNegotiating Brexit: the European Parliament between participation and influence // Journal of European Integration  (2019) Vol. 41, no. 3, p. 347-363.
    Article 50 of the Treaty of Lisbon gives the European Parliament (EP) the power to consent on the terms of the withdrawal agreement between the exiting state and the EU. As Brexit is the first case where art. 50 has been invoked, the role of the EP in such a procedure is uncharted territory. This article assesses to what extent the EP has contributed to the Brexit negotiations until November 2018. Drawing on official documentation and thirteen original interviews with EU policy-makers, it maps the Parliament’s organisational adaptation to prepare itself for the challenge. Through its steering group and coordinator, and by carefully issuing resolutions, the EP has managed to become a ‘quasi-negotiator’. More difficult to detect is the EP’s actual influence, as its preferences were closely aligned to those of the other EU institutions. Overall, the EP had a selective attention in the process, primarily focusing on citizens’ rights.  [Tylor & Francis Journals Complete]
     
  • Kolpinskaya, EkaterinaFox, StuartPraying on Brexit? Unpicking the Effect of Religion on Support for European Union Integration and Membership // Journal of Common Market Studies (2019) Vol. 57, no. 3, p. 580-598.
    This article examines how religious affiliation shapes support for European Union membership. While previous research has shown that Protestants are typically more eurosceptic than Catholics, little is known about the nature of this relationship: specifically, whether religion affects one's utilitarian assessments of the costs and benefits of membership, or one's affective attachment to the EU. [Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
     
  • Mac Amhlaign, CormacBack to a Sovereign Future?: Constitutional Pluralism after Brexit // Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies (2019) Vol. 21, p. 41-58.
    To the extent that the UK's decision to withdraw from the EU can be interpreted as a reassertion of the classic ideas of Westphalian sovereign statehood, it questions the relevance of constitutional pluralism as a resolutely ‘post-sovereign’ model of relations between state administrations and their supranational counterparts. This contribution will therefore examine the usefulness and relevance of the idea of constitutional pluralism after Brexit. It looks at the various features and relationships affected by the Brexit process analysing the relevance of constitutional pluralism to each relationship pre- and post-Brexit, concluding that, whereas Brexit clearly affects the different relationships involved, constitutional pluralism can and will remain relevant to EU/UK relations as well as within the EU, well into the future. [HeinOnline]
     
  • Svendsen, ØyvindBrexit and the future of EU defence: a practice approach to differentiated defence integration // Journal of European Integration (2019) Vol. 41, no 8, p. 993-1007.
    What consequences will Brexit have for EU defence integration? Answering this question, the article analyses the new visions for the future of EU defence that emerged in the debate after the Brexit vote. In doing so, the paper moves beyond institutionalism and argues that a practice approach to Brexit paves the way for a deeper understanding of EU integration as a social process and of the effects of Brexit. Through a study of the debates and concrete developments in EU defence since the Brexit referendum, the article shows how defence - an area already subject to differentiation - has enabled innovative visions for defence integration in post-Brexit Europe across three dimensions: the military, the political and the economic. Building on this analysis, the paper concludes on the possible consequences of Brexit for EU defence and the value of a practice approach to differentiated defence integration. [Tylor & Francis Journals Complete]
     
  • Vasilopoulou, SofiaKeith, DanRenegotiation Versus Brexit: The Question of the UK's Constitutional Relationship with the EU // Journal of Common Market Studies (2019) Vol. 57, no. 3, p. 486-501.
    This article examines how the British public perceived UK Prime Minister David Cameron's plan to renegotiate his country's relationship with the EU. It asks whether attitudes towards renegotiation followed a similar pattern to attitudes towards Brexit. [Business Source Complete (EBSCO)]
     
  • Walsh, KarenThe unitary patent package, the Court of Justice of the European Union, and Brexit: (ir)reconcilable? // Intellectual Property Quarterly (2019), No. 2, p. 91-114.
    For 70 years, debates in the European patent community have centred on the introduction of a unitary patent system. For an efficient and effective European patent system, there are two key aspects—the promotion of harmonisation and the consideration of wider societal implications. In considering these two key aspects, this article focuses on the role of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in the Unitary Patent Package (UPP) and the added complication of Brexit. [Westlaw]
     
  • Wilson, Peter; Oliver, Tim. The international consequences of Brexit: an English School analysis // Journal of European Integration (2019) Vol 41, no 8, p. 1009-1025.
    The English School is one of the main traditions of thought in International Relations and the only one home-grown in Britain. While initially unconcerned with questions of integration, and the regional level more generally, its concepts and insights have recently been applied to the European integration process. However, an English School analysis of the consequences of Brexit has yet to be conducted. This article rectifies this omission and offers a broad system-level analysis of major-state withdrawal from deep multilateral arrangements. Following a brief introduction to the main phases of English School development, the article analyses the consequences of Brexit in terms of three central areas: the pluralist-solidarist debate; primary institutions; and great power status. It finds that while the adjustment costs of Brexit will be considerable, the longer-term systemic consequences are unlikely to be far-reaching. The main consequence is the additional pressure Brexit puts on Britain’s precarious great power status. [Tylor & Francis Journals Complete]
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  • Cape, JeremySchofield, Max. VAT and Brexit: The past, present and future // EC Tax Review (2018) Vol. 27, no. 6, p. 290-302.
    Exact science rarely emerges during times of febrile political discourse such as that currently revolving around the withdrawal of the UK from the EU. Woody Allen once wrote of a man named C.N. Jerome, a psychic, who claimed he could guess any card being thought of.... by a squirrel. Jerome may equally have proffessed to divine the outcome for UK VAT policy in the not-too-distant future (namely, 11 pm on 29 March 2019). Owing to this uncertaintly an the possibility of up-to-date authorship becoming out-dated by the time of publication, the authors have strived to cover certain topics in relation to VAT policy and Brexit with a caveated generality and occasional, hesitant prediction. [Paberkandjal]
  • Dawar, Kamala. Legal issues of economic disintegration: Government procurement and BREXIT // Legal Issues of Economic Integration (2018) Vol. 45, no. 2.
    This article examines some of the EU and WTO legal issues that emerge for the United Kingdom´s public procurement law and policies following Brexit. [Paberkandjal]
  • Demetriou, Marie QC. The future is a foreign country: they do things differently there - the impact of Brexit on the enforcement of competition law // European Competition Law Review (2018) Vol. 39, no. 3, p. 99-106.  [Paberkandjal] (Westlaw)
  • Dorling, Danny. Brexit and Britain’s Radical Right // Political Insight (2018) Vol. 9, no. 4, p. 36–39.
    Two decades ago, leaving the European Union was a minority pursuit. Now British politics is defined by Brexit. Danny Dorling explores how the radical right has grown and why its dreams of reviving Britain’s imperial ambitions are likely to fail. [SAGE Premier]
  • Eidenmüller, Horst. Collateral damage: Brexit’s negative effects on regulatory competition and legal innovation in private law // Zeitschrift für Europäisches Privatrecht (2018) nr. 4, lk. 868-891.
    Brexiti mõjust Inglise, ELi ja liikmesriikide eraõigusele. [Paberkandjal]
  • Faull, Jonathan. European law in the United Kingdom // European Law Review (2018) Vol. 4, no. 5, p. 780-786.
    The stady and practice of EU law will continue to be of great importance in and for the UK. Its terminology and concepts are embedded in domestic law and will remain so. [Westlaw]
  • Henderson, Ailsa. Brexit, the Union, and the Future of England // Political Insight (2018) Vol. 9, no. 4, p. 32–35.
    The UK voted to leave the European Union, but Brexit is revealing huge tensions in another political union – the UK itself. Ailsa Henderson reports on new research into our attitudes and identities and finds limited enthusiasm for our oldest union. [SAGE Premier]
  • Hillion, Christophe. Brexit means Br(EEA)xit: The UK withdrawal from the EU and its implications for the EEA // Common Market Law Review (2018) Vol. 55, no. 1, p. 135-156. [Paberkandjal]
  • Jeffery, DavidCan the Conservative Party Survive Brexit? // Political Insight (2018) Vol. 9, no. 4, p. 8-11.
    The Tories have a reputation for valuing party unity over all else. But having survived for centuries, could Brexit lead to a split in ‘the world’s most successful political party’? David Jeffery looks at the Conservatives’ past, present and future. [SAGE Premier]
  • Larik, Joris. The EU´s Global Strategy, Brexit and "America First" // European Foreign Affairs Review (2018) Vol. 23, No. 3, p. 343-364. 
    In less unusual times, The European Union´s Glbal Strategy for Foreign and Security Policy would have been received as merely yhe latest iteration of the main tenets and ambitions of EU external action - this time with an enhanced dose of pragmantism to respond to a more challenging international environment. However, with "Brexit" looming large and one and a half years into the Trump Presidency in the United States, the Global Strategy has acquired a new level of significance. This article argues that while meant to express a largely uncontroversial "Western" consensus, it now needs to be re-contextualized as a distinctive vision in the face of trends on antiglobalism and Euroscepticism. [Paberväljaanne]
  • Martill, Bemjamin; Sus, Monika. Post-Brexit EU/UK security cooperation: NATO, CSDP+, or ‘French connection’? // The British Journal of Politics and International Relations (2018) Vol. 20, no. 4, p. 846-863.
    The purpose of this article is to understand the EU/UK security relationship after Brexit and the institutional form(s) it may take. Taking stock of the literature on the consequences of Brexit for European foreign affairs, this article employs a question-driven approach to examine uncertainties regarding the future EU/UK security relationship. These questions relate in particular to the United Kingdom’s commitment to European security after Brexit, the nature of post-Brexit developments within the Union, and the European Union’s willingness to afford the United Kingdom a substantial role after withdrawal. This article examines each of these questions in turn, before considering the viability of three frequently mooted institutional arrangements post-Brexit: UK participation in the CSDP as a third country; increased engagement with NATO that becomes the main platform for cooperation between the United Kingdom and the European Union; and the enhancement of bilateral ties between the United Kingdom and key European allies – especially France. [SAGE journals]
  • Meinen, Lilian. A "Frictionless" border for Gibraltar: Stumbling blocks and solutions following Brexit // Legal Issues of Economic Integration (2018) Vol. 45, no. 4, p. 397-411. 
    This article examines the question of what stumbling blocks will arise for Gibraltar following Brexit, and whitch solutions could be considered in order for Gibraltar to have a "frictionless" border with the EU. As Gibraltar´s economy concentrates on the services sector, where not only Gibraltarians but also a lot of Spanish and other EU nationals work, the free movement of services and persons are of particular impotance. [Paberväljaanne]
  • Mellon, J.Evans, G.;Fieldhouse, E.; Green, J.; Prosser, C. Brexit or Corbyn? Campaign and Inter-Election Vote Switching in the 2017 UK General Election // Parliamentary Affairs (2018) Vol 71, no 4, p. 719–737.
    The 2017 UK General Election saw the collapse of UKIP and an unusually influential campaign that saw Labour improving from a likely historic defeat to almost pulling level with the Conservatives, denying Theresa May a parliamentary majority. We argue that the election should be understood in two phases: first from 2015 to the start of the election campaign, and second the campaign itself. The former period was characterised by strong switching along Brexit lines, with 2015 UKIP voters defecting heavily to the Conservatives following the outcome of the EU Referendum, which had enabled the Conservatives to make credible promises on immigration. Concurrently, many 2015 Labour supporters had defected to other parties or were undecided. The campaign then saw Labour winning voters from all sources, but particularly from previously undecided voters. While campaign vote flows were not as strongly related to Leave/Remain votes, 2015–2017 switching as a whole was heavily influenced by the EU referendum choices. We conclude that 2017 was indeed a ‘Brexit election’, but the campaign is better understood as a general rise in support for Labour resulting from Corbyn's appeal relative to that of Theresa May, particularly among the party’s own 2015 voters who had defected before the campaign. [Oxford University Press Journals]
  • Minnerop, Petra ; Roeben, Volker. Continuity as the rule, not the exception: how the Vienna Convention on the law of treaties protects against retroactivity of "Brexit" // European Human Rights Law Review (2018) nr. 5, lk. 474-489.
    Õigusliku järjepidevuse põhimõttest ning rahvusvaheliste lepingute õiguse Viini konventsioonist kui Brexiti õiguslikust alusest. [WESTLAW]
  • Moore, Luke. Policy, Office and Votes: Conservative MPs and the Brexit Referendum // Parliamentary Affairs (2018) Vol. 71, no. 1, p. 1-27.
    The division within the Parliamentary Conservative Party (PCP) over Britain’s membership of the EU has been one of the most significant intra-party divisions in European political history. The 2016 Brexit referendum campaign offered a unique opportunity to consider legislative motivations as almost every MP declared a preference and frontbench MPs were free to back either side. This article uses logistic regression analysis in order to consider MPs’ motivations in terms of Müller and Strøm’s policy, office and votes trichotomy. It is argued that all three motivations affected MPs decision making on the EU referendum. However, vote-seeking motivations were less influential than either policy or office-seeking. [Oxford University Press Journals]
  • Paris, Davide. Escape from the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice : a good reason to quit the European Union? // Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law (2018) Vol. 25, no. 1, p. 7-21.
    One of the principal objectives of Brexit is to end the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union (EU) over the UK. It raises the question whether the UK has ‘suffered’ more than other Member States from judicial action. To answer this question, this paper examines statistics on judicial action and finds that i) the UK has not been embroiled in more proceedings before the Court of Justice than other large Member States; ii) fewer proceedings have been initiated against it by the Commission than other larger or medium-size Member State; and iii) the UK has won relatively more cases than other large Member States. The paper also argues that in principle judicial bias towards integration is not necessarily harmful to the interests of a relatively open economy like that of the UK. This is because such an integrationist tendency would pry open other markets which would be beneficial to UK firms. In addition, the distortion-preventing powers of other EU institutions such as the European Commission also tend to favour pro-market countries like the UK. Lastly, the paper considers alternative dispute resolution arrangements identified by the UK and suggests that they are more likely to reduce legal certainty and delay effective enforcement than the present system based on the Court of Justice. [SAGE Primier]
  • Patberg, Markus. After the Brexit vote: what’s left of ‘split’ popular sovereignty? // Journal of European Integration (2018) Vol. 40, no. 7, p. 923-937.
    Political theory develops its normative positions on EU legitimacy with a view to what seems possible and acceptable under given political, social, and cultural conditions. Thus, the Brexit vote should give it a pause. In this article, I discuss if and to what extent we can hold on to the claim that the EU is based on a pouvoir constituant mixte. In particular, I examine three problems that the UK’s decision to leave the EU gives rise to. First, I address the analytical challenge of whether ‘split’ popular sovereignty is refuted as a rational reconstruction of the EU. Second, I turn to the normative-theoretical challenge of whether it is a category mistake to refer to (dual) constituent power in the context of the EU. Third, I deal with the political challenge of whether pouvoir constituant mixte is prone to confuse citizens and to scare them off with excessive ‘EUphoria’.  [Tylor & Francis Journals Complete]
  • Rüscher, Daniel. Vertragsanpassungen als Reaktion auf den Brexit nach deutschem, englischem, französischem, italienischem und spanischem Recht sowie nach UN-Kaufrecht // Europäische Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftsrecht (2018) nr. 22, lk. 937-943.
    Brexiti mõjust kaubandussuhetele ja – lepingutele riikide ja rahvusvahelises õiguses. [BECK]
  • Surridge, Paula. Brexit, British politics, and the left-right divide // Political Insight (2018) Vol. 9, no. 4, p. 4-7.
    There has been much talk of a fundamental realignment of British politics post-Brexit. But, Paula Surridge argues, the old left-right divisions continue to structure political behaviour, and Brexit is part of an on-going restructuring of party competition rather than a wholesale realignment. [SAGE Premier]
  • Smismans, Stijn. EU citizens’ rights post Brexit: why direct effect beyond the EU is not enough // European Constitutional Law Review (2018) Vol 14, no. 3, p. 443-474.
    Brexit – EU citizens’ rights – Direct effect beyond the EU – The Withdrawal Agreement does not protect citizens properly – Copying substantive provisions of EU law and parts of the EU’s supranational features, such as direct effect, does not provide equal protection for EU citizens once a country is no longer part of the EU – UK-specific implementation measures to be set out in Withdrawal Agreement or Protocol – Guarantees also to be set out in primary legislation – UK Government intends to act to a great extent via secondary legislation – relationship between the Withdrawal Act and the Withdrawal Agreement and Implementation Bill. [Thomson Reuters Westlaw]
  • Tang, Zheng Sophia. Future partnership in EU-UK cross-border civil judicial cooperation // European Foreign Affairs Review (2018) Vol. 23, no. 4, p. 564-583. 
    In The past forty years, the EU has established a very successful and effective civil judical cooperation scheme that applies to reduce barriers caused by coexistence of different legal systems to smooth cross-border activities and transactions in the single market. This scheme would cease being effective between the UK and other EU Member States after Brexit. /..../ This article aims to explore the feasibility of establishing such a future partnership in civil judical cooperation and to examine the existing models that may be followed by the UK. [Paberväljaanne]
  • Tang, Zheng Sophia. UK-EU civil judicial co-oparation after Brexit: Five models // European Law Review (2018) Vol. 4, no. 5, p. 648-668.
    This article examines the potential consequence of Brexit and explores the possibilities for post-Brexit judicial co-operation between the UK and EU. After analysing the five potentsial models, this article proposes that optimal model is for the UK and EU to enter into a special arrangement based on the existing EU judical co-operation law, and the UK should follow CJEU judgements as closely as possible, with diversion in exceptional circumstances. [Thomson Reuters Westlaw]
akkordionipikktekst
  • Adler-Nissen, Rebecca; Galpin, Charlotte; Rosamond, Ben. Performing Brexit: How a post-Brexit world is imagined outside the United Kingdom // The British Journal of Politics and International Relations (2017) Vol. 19, no 3, p. 573–591.
    Theresa May’s claim that ‘Brexit means Brexit’ demonstrates the malleability of the concept. The referendum campaign showed that ‘Brexit’ can be articulated to a variety of post-Brexit scenarios. While it is important to analyse how Brexit gives rise to contestation in the United Kingdom, Brexit is also constructed from the outside. [SAGE Journals Onlines, Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Allen, Nicholas. Brexit, Butchery and Boris: Theresa May and Her First Cabinet // Parliamentary Affairs (2017) Vol 70, no 3, p. 633–644.
    This note analyses the formation of Theresa May’s first Cabinet. It locates her appointments against the backdrop of the Brexit referendum and compares them to those of other Prime Ministers who took office during the lifetime of a parliament. The scale of May’s reconstruction marks her out as one of the readier ‘butchers’ of Downing Street. It demonstrated her acceptance of the Brexit referendum result, signalled a clear break with Cameron and served to consolidate her power base. [Oxford University Press Journals]
  • Andreangeli, Arianna. The consequences of Brexit for competition litigation: an end to a "success story"? // European Competition Law Review (2017) Vol. 38, no. 5, p. 228-236. [Thomson Reuters Westlaw]
  • Bachtler, John; Begg, Iain. Cohesion policy after Brexit: the economic, social and institutional challenges // Journal of Social Policy (2017) Vol. 46, no. 4, p. 745-763.
    Since 1988, when the current EU Cohesion Policy was introduced, it has played an influential role in setting priorities for policies aimed at dealing with the effects of European economic integration on regional and social disparities. Although, latterly, the amount of money spent in the UK through the European Structural and Investment Funds (ESIF) has declined, EU programmes have had a disproportionate effect on the design and implementation of UK policies shaping regional and local economic and social development. This paper starts by recalling how EU Cohesion Policy has functioned in the UK, then considers how Brexit may affect regional and social development and the need for a corresponding policy response, focusing on the sorts of policies currently supported by the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) and the European Social Fund (ESF). [ProQuest Research Library]
  • Birrell, DerekGray, Ann Marie. Devolution: The Social, Political and Policy Implications of Brexit for Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland // Journal of Social Policy (2017) Vol. 46, no. 4, p. 765-782.
    The referendum vote for Remain in Scotland and Northern Ireland and the small majority for Leave in Wales immediately attracted much attention to the position of the devolved governments on Brexit negotiations and to the impact of Brexit on their jurisdictions. As the core of devolved powers relate to social policy, identifying the impact of leaving the EU on aspects of social policy is highly significant. This article examines the impact of EU programmes, funding, directives and regulations as delivered in recent years, noting the nature of the participation of the devolved administrations in EU decision making. The post-referendum concerns of the devolved governments and their approaches to Brexit and Brexit negotiations are explained. Also discussed are the likely major changes as well as possible changes that will take place in the operation of devolution after Brexit. [ProQuest Research Library]
  • Brexit Editorial Vol 23 Is 1, Feb/March 2017 / European Public Law (2017) Vol. 23, no. 1, p. 1–11. [Kluwer Law Online]
  • Britain and the European Union: The six flavours of Brexit // The Economist (2017) July 22nd, Vol. 423(9050), p. 25-27.
  • Chalmers, Damian. Brexit and the renaissance of parliamentary authority // The British Journal of Politics and International Relations (2017) Vol. 19, no. 4, p. 663-679.
    With the promised return of Parliamentary powers, Brexit is supposed to be a fillip for representative democracy. There is a significant danger that will not be so. EU membership weakened the conditions for representative democracy within those fields governed by the EU. Whitehall will almost be the central player in the reform of EU-derived law. And policy styles are being developed which marginalise rather than consolidate UK legislatures in these fields. Restoration of representative democracy will require a realistic re-evaluation of its virtues so that these can be protected and a re-imagination of the possibilities and limits of parliaments within such a landscape. [SAGE Journals Onlines, Academic Search Complete (EBSCO)]
  • Copeland, Paul; Copsey, Nathaniel. Rethinking Britain and the European Union: Politicians, the Media and Public Opinion Reconsidered // Journal of Common Market Studies (2017) Vol. 55, no 4, p709-726. 
    This article re-examines the role of the media in the UK debate on EU membership. It argues that the embedding of euroscepticism in the UK stems neither from a single phase in the UK-EU relationship, nor from the agency of the UK press or its proprietors. [Business Source Complete (EBSCO), viimane aasta ei ole kättesaadav]
  • Costa-Font, Joan. The National Health Service at a Critical Moment: when Brexit means Hectic // Journal of Social Policy (2017) Vol. 46, no. 4, p. 783-795.
    Leaving the European Union (so-called 'Brexit') is a 'critical moment' for health policy reform which can pave the way to different pathways, including, a 'critical juncture'. Given that Brexit cannot be undone without a second referendum, it opens up opportunities to elude European constraints for reform along the lines of equity, employment rights and patient choice. Brexit deepens the financial crisis of the National Health Service (NHS) by increasing hiring costs and imposing new transaction costs to accommodate patient cross-border mobility and international public health needs. Given the weak sustainability of the NHS, it could lead to major system reform. [ProQuest Research Library]
  • Craig, PaulBrexit, a drama: The Interregnum // Yearbook of European Law (2017) Vol. 36, p. 3-45.
    In an earlier article I charted the legal and political events from David Cameron’s Bloomberg speech in 2013 until the outcome of the referendum, including the beginning of the legal challenge to the way in which Article 50 of the Treaty of European Union (TEU) could be triggered.1 This article continues the story, covering the period after the referendum to the present. The approach in the earlier article is preserved, employing the metaphor of an unfolding drama, with Shakespearian quotations appropriately chosen for each Act or Scene. This article therefore begins with Act 7, following on from Act 6 of the previous piece.
  • Crespo, Maria José Pérez. After Brexit…The Best of Both Worlds? Rebutting the Norwegian and Swiss Models as Long-Term Options for the UK // Yearbook of European Law (2017) Vol. 36, p. 94-122.
    On 23 June 2016 the UK held a referendum on EU membership; with a slight majority the ‘Brexit’ option won. Since then, political and economic uncertainty have prevailed regarding the structure of the future long-term relationship between the UK and the EU. Two widely cited alternatives before and after the referendum, presented as offering the best of both worlds, are the EEA or ‘Norway model’ and the negotiated bilateral agreements path or ‘Swiss model’. This article builds on and complements the scarce existing literature in order to inquire whether these two models would be feasible in the UK–EU framework and would suit the former’s expectations for this new relationship.
  • Curtice, John. Why leave won the UK´s EU referendum //The JCMS annual review of the European Union in 2016 (2017) Vol. 55, p. 19-37.
    The outcome of the referendum on the UK´s membership of the EU represents one of the biggest blows to the Europen project since the founding of the then Common Market in 1958. Greenland apart, the EU has gradually gained members rather than lost them. The resulting expansions has meant that it has come to encompass most of the continent west of Russia. Now it is not only set to lose a member, but also one of its bigger ones.
  • Eeckhout, Piet; Frantziou, Eleni. Brexit and Article 50 TEU: A constitutionalist reading // Common Market Law Review (2017) Vol. 54, no 3, p. 695-733. [Paberväljaanne]
  • Eleftheriadis, Pavlos. Two Doctrines of the Unwritten Constitution // European Constitutional Law Review (2017) Vol. 13, no. 3, p. 525-550.
    In the Gina Miller judgment of January 2017, the United Kingdom Supreme Court addressed the procedural means of the UK's withdrawal from the EU following the referendum result of June 2016.1 The process of withdrawal depends on domestic constitutional law but also on the particular mechanism provided for withdrawal by the Treaty on the European Union. Initially, the Supreme Court was only concerned with the domestic question, but inevitably had to also look at the EU treaties. Article 50 of the Treaty on the European Union requires a Member State to give notice of its intention to withdraw, thus starting a two-year process of negotiations.2 If, at the end of the two years, there is no withdrawal agreement and no extension has been agreed upon, the Member State leaves the EU at once and the treaties "cease to apply'. [Thomson Reuters Westlaw]
  • Ellison, Marion. Through the Looking Glass: Young People, Work and the Transition between Education and Employment in a post-Brexit UK // Journal of Social Policy (2017) Vol. 46, no. 4, p. 675-698.
    The prospect of a profound transformation in the relationship between the UK and the European Union has raised a range of economic, social and political concerns. Whilst the ultimate shape of a negotiated post-Brexit settlement is uncertain, the potential loss or reduction in access to EU funding streams, educational mobility, EU labour market access, and changes to employment rights and regulations will impact significantly upon young people across the UK. /---/ This article provides an analysis of the role of EU funding streams and operational programmes directed at young people's transitions between education and employment across the UK.  [ProQuest Research Library]
  • Facing up to Brexit; Leaders// The Economist (2017) July 22nd, Vol.423(9050), p. 9.
  • Farnsworth, Kevin. Taking back Control or Empowering Big Business? New Risks to the Welfare State in the post-Brexit Competition for Investment // Journal of Social Policy (2017) Vol. 46, no. 4, p. 699-718. Capitalist economies depend on private business investment, and all governments in similar states compete to induce businesses to invest through various policy interventions. In so doing, they compete with other governments to retain current investors and to encourage new ones from elsewhere. The implications for policy-making and, by extension, citizens, are huge. The pressure on governments t